Ammratt 


A  iramatizatum  of  tty 
of  tlfr  Hmtrb 
in  S>tx  Arts 


(£.  SI.  Wallta 


H.  A.  STURDY  COMPANY 

PRINTERS    AND    PUBLISHERS 

Los  ANGELES,  CAL. 


Copyright,  1919 
By  C.  W.  Wallis 


PREFACE 

The  American  Republic  is  a  dramatization  of  the 
political  history  of  the  United  States  of  America  from 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  July  4th,  1776,  to 
the  present  time. 

The  purpose  is  to  present  in  dramatic  form  the 
great  events  of  our  history  in  a  manner  that  will  in 
culcate  in  the  minds  of  the  American  youth  the  true 
principles  of  Democracy  and  to  arouse  them  to  a  con 
scious  fact  that  they  are  citizens  under  the  best  system 
of  government  on  earth;  that  the  American  Republic 
has  a  STANDARD  GOVERNMENT  that  is  the  best, 
not  only  for  America,  but  that  it  is  the  only  form  of 
government  that  has  ever  worked  successfully  or  that 
ever  will  work  as  well  for  all  civilized  peoples  of  what 
ever  conditions  or  numbers  from  a  few  thousands  to 
many  millions. 

This  dramatization  also  shows  the  development  of 
our  country  thru  its  Oratory,  Statesmanship,  Music, 
Poetry  and  Dramatic  Art;  whether  in  the  Cabinet,  in 
Congress,  in  the  Forum,  in  the  Pulpit,  in  the  Studio, 
or  on  the  Platform,  on  the  Stage  or  on  the  Screen. 

It  is  not  intended  to  supplant  but  to  be  used  as 
an  auxiliary  to  the  text  books  of  United  States  His 
tory  in  our  public  schools  and  colleges.  To  this  end 
the  several  acts  or  episodes  are  adjustable  and  suit 
able  for  different  occasions  for  entertainment;  scenes 
or  parts  of  scenes  may  be  drawn  to  greater  length  or 
shortened  or  even  eliminated. 

Only  for  an  elaborate  stage  production  need  cos 
tumes  or  scenery  be  required;  they  very  often  detract 
from  the  real  purpose  and  object  to  be  attained;  rather 
concentrate  on  the  importance  of  voice  training,  dra 
matic  action,  and  the  cultivation  of  the  imagination, 
the  creative  faculty. 

The  characters  in  the  cast  for  this  production 
may  include  all  grades  of  school  children  from  the 


OOO'T 


&£  -AteEklCAN  R  EPUBUC 

"tots"  to  high  school  students,  and  may  number  from 
six  or  eight  to  many  hundreds,  affording  an  active 
part  in  Oratory,  Recitation,  Essay,  Song,  Dance,  Pan 
tomime,  Parliamentary  Drill,  Debate  and  Dramatic 
Art  for  every  pupil  in  any  school  or  college  in  the 
United  States  of  America  or  any  other  nation  in  the 
world. 

Peoples  of  all  nations  are  now  studying,  as  never 
before,  Forms  of  Government,  and  it  is  for  us  and  our 
children  to  be  prepared  to  show  that  we  enjoy  the 
highest  liberty,  the  widest  freedom,  under  the  best 
laws,  for  the  reason  that  we  have  the  best  form  of 
government  on  earth. 


Ammnm 


ACT  I 

Scene  1.    Congress  assembled  in  the  State  House,  Phil 
adelphia,  Penn.    John  Hancock,  President. 

Time:    July,  1776. 

(After  rise  of  curtain  Mr.  Jefferson  makes  a  motion  to  ap 
point  a  Committee  of  five  to  draft  a  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence.  This  motion  is  seconded  by  John  Adams.  The  motion 
is  then  put  in  due  form  and  is  carried.  The  President  appoints 
on  that  Committee:) 

Thomas  Jefferson  of  Virginia. 
John  Adams  of  Massachusetts. 
Benjamin  Franklin  of  Pennsylvania. 
Roger  Sherman  of  Connecticut. 
Robert  Livingstone  of  New  York. 

These  persons  rise  when  appointed  and  file  out 
into  an  adjoining  room  as  the 

CURTAIN  FALLS 

Scene  2.     A  room  in  the  State  House,  Philadelphia, 

Penn. 

(Thomas  Jefferson,  President  of  the  Committee,  calls  the 
meeting  to  order  and  takes  from  his  pocket  a  copy  of  the  DEC 
LARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  and  reads  the  first  two 
sections  than  stands  and  pantomimes  reading  on.) 

At  the  same  time  the  Committee  on  ARTICLES 
OF  CONFEDERATION,  having  been  appointed  a  lit 
tle  before  the  Committee  of  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence  was  appointed,  are  holding  a  meeting  in  an  ad 
joining  room  on  stage  one  of  their  number  reads : 


6  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

"Articles  of  Confederation  and  Perpetual  Union 
between  the  States  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina  and  Georgia. 

ARTICLE  I 

The  style  of  this  confederacy  shall  be  "THE 
UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA/' 

The  Committee  on  Declaration  of  Independence 
break  in  and  Thomas  Jefferson  continues: 

"Prudence,  indeed,  will  dictate  that  governments 
long  established  should  not  be  changed  for  light  and 
transient  causes;  and,  accordingly  all  experience  hath 
shown  that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer  while 
evils  are  sufferable  than  to  right  themselves  by  abol 
ishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  accustomed." 

Thomas  Jefferson  continues  in  pantomime  but  not 
heard  as  the  one  reading  the  articles  in  the  other  sec 
tion  continues. 

Josiah  Bartlett: 

"Article  V.  Section  1.  Congress  shall  meet  on 
the  first  Monday  in  November  every  year. 

"Section  2.  No  State  shall  be  represented  in  Con 
gress  by  less  than  two  nor  more  than  seven  members. 

''Section  3.    Each  State  shall  have  one  vote.' 


Jefferson  Continues  Reading  the  Declaration. 

"But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpa 
tions,  pursuing  invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a 
design  to  reduce  them  under  absolute  despotism,  it  is 
their  right,  it  is  their  duty,  to  throw  off  such  govern 
ment  and  to  provide  new  guards  for  the  future  se 
curity." 

Committee  on  Articles  continues: 

"Article  IX.  Section  5.  In  recess  of  Congress 
'A  Committee  of  the  States'  of  one  delegate  from  each 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  7 

State,  shall  sit  instead  of  Congress  and  appoint  one 
of  their  number  to  preside. 

After  this  is  read  aloud  and  while  the  other  Committee 
is  being  heard  the  members  of  this  Committee  may  pantomime 
debating  and  voting  on  this  Article,  a  majority  voting  for  it. 

Jefferson: 

"Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of  these 
colonies,  and  such  is  now  the  necessity  which  con 
strains  them  to  alter  their  systems  of  government." 

Committee  on  Articles: 

"Article  XL  Canada,  acceding  to  this  Confed 
eration,  and  joining  in  the  measures  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  admitted  into  and  entitled  to  all  the 
advantages  of  this  Union:  But  no  other  colony  shall 
be  admitted  to  the  same,  unless  such  admission  be 
agreed  to  by  nine  States." 

Jefferson: 

"We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the 
UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  in  congress  assem 
bled,  appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for 
the  rectitude  of  our  intentions,  do,  in  the  name  and 
by  the  authority  of  the  good  people  of  these  Colonies, 
solemnly  publish  and  declare  that  these  United  Col 
onies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be  FREE  and  INDE 
PENDENT  States.  .  .  .  And  for  the  support  of 
this  Declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protec 
tion  of  DIVINE  PROVIDENCE,  we  mutually  pledge 
to  each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred 
honor." 

Committee  on  Articles: 

"Article  XIII.  AND  WHEREAS,  it  hath  pleased 
the  great  Governor  of  the  world  to  incline  the  hearts 
of  the  legislatures  we  represent  in  Congress,  to  ap 
prove  of  and  to  authorize  us  to  ratify  the  said  Articles 
of  Confederation  and  Perpetual  Union,  Know  ye,  that 
we,  .  .  .  do  by  these  presents,  in  the  name  of  our 
constituents,  fully  ratify  each  and  every  of  the  said 
Articles  of  Confederation  and  Perpetual  Union  and 
all  things  therein  contained. 


8  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

"In  witness  whereof  we  have  hereunto  set  our 
hand  in  Congress." 

Committee  on  Declaration: 

On  motion  of  John  Adams  and  seconded  by  Ben 
jamin  Franklin,  the  Committee  rises  to  report  favor 
ably  to  Congress.  They  adjourn  and  file  into  Congress. 

Committee  on  Articles  of  Confederation: 

On  motion  to  recommend  the  adoption  of  the  Ar 
ticles  of  Confederation  the  Committee  adjourns  and 
files  into  Congress  opposite  door  from  the  other  Com 
mittee  as  the  Curtain  falls  and  immediately  rises  on 
next  scene. 

CURTAIN  FALLS 

In  the  above  scene  the  part  taken  by  the  Committee  on 
Articles  of  Confederation  may  be  omitted  or  the  entire  scene 
may  be  left  out  and  play  begin  with  the  poem  Columbus, 
(Waukin  Miller)  recited  as  a  prelude,  and  the  drama  open 
with  the  stage  set  for  Scene  1. 

Scene  3 
(Or  Scene  1  if  Scene  2  is  omitted) 

As  curtain  rises  Thomas  Jefferson  and  the  rest  of  the 
Committee  enter  and  take  their  seats.  Jefferson  rises  and  after 
obtaining  the  floor  in  the  parliamentary  way,  speaks  as  follows: 

"Mr.  President:  I  have  the  honor  to  report  that 
your  Committee  recommends  the  adoption  of  the  fol 
lowing  Declaration  of  Independence:  (Reads.)  When 
in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necessary 
for  one  people  to  dissolye  the  political  bands  which 
have  connected  them  with  another,  and  to  assume 
among  the  powers  of  the  earth  the  separate  and  equal 
station  to  which  the  laws  of  nature  and  nature's  God 
entitle  them  a  recent  respect  to  the  opinions  of  man 
kind  requires  that  they  should  declare  the  causes  which 
impel  them  to  the  separation. 

"We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  ALL 
MEN  ARE  CREATED  EQUAL  (cheers)  ;  that  they 
are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  9 

rights  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pur 
suit  of  happiness  (cheers)  ;  that  to  secure  these  rights, 
governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their 
just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed;  that 
whenever  any  form  of  government  becomes  destruc 
tive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter 
or  abolish  it  and  to  institute  a  new  government,  laying 
its  foundation  on  such  principles,  and  organizing  its 
powers  in  such  form  as 'to  them  shall  seem  most  likely 
to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness. 

"Prudence,  indeed,  will  dictate  that  governments 
long  established  should  not  be  changed  for  light  and 
transient  causes;  and  accordingly  all  experience  has 
shown  that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer  while 
evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right  themselves  by  abol 
ishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  accustomed. 

"But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpa 
tions,  pursuing  invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a 
design  to  reduce  them  under  absolute  despotism  it  is 
their  right,  it  is  their  duty,  to  throw  off  such  govern 
ment,  and  to  provide  new  guards  for  the  future  se 
curity.  Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferings  of  these 
Colonies,  and  such  is  now  the  necessity  which  con 
strains  them  to  alter  their  former  systems  of  govern 
ment.  The  history  of  the  present  King  of  Great  Brit 
ain  is  a  history  of  repeated  injuries  and  usurpations, 
all  having  in  direct  object  the  establishment  of  an  ab 
solute  tyranny  over  these  States.  To  prove  this,  let 
more  than  a  score  of  facts  be  stbmitted  to  a  candid 
world.  (Omit  all  the  charges  enumerated  against  the 
King.) 

"In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions  we  have  pe 
titioned  for  redress  in  the  most  humble  terms ;  our  re 
peated  petitions  have  been  answered  by  repeated  in 
jury.  A  prince  whose  character  is  thus  marked  by 
every  act  which  may  define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be 
the  ruler  of  the  people. 

"We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  in  general  Congress  assembled, 
appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the 


10  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

rectitude  of  our  intentions,  do  solemnly  publish  and 
declare  that  these  United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right 
ought  to  be,  Free  and  Independent  States.  And  for 
the  support  of  this  Declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance 
on  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence,  we  mutually 
pledge  to  each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our 
sacred  honor/' 

After  Thomas  Jefferson  has  made  the  motion  to 
adopt  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  it  has 
been  seconded,  a 

Motion  to  Strike  out  the  phrase:  "All  men  are 
created  equal,"  is  moved  and  seconded  and  a 

Motion  to  Lay  on  the  Table  is  made  and  seconded, 
and  a 

Motion  to  Adjourn  is  made  and  seconded  and 
this,  being  put,  is  lost. 

The  Motion  to  Lay  on  the  Table  is  then  put  and 
lost,  and 

The  Motion  to  Strike  out  is  then  put  and  lost 
(cheers),  and  the 

Main  question  on  the  adoption  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  is  then  put  and  the  following  speeches 
made  : 

Supposed  Speech  of  Roger  Sherman  of  Connecticut: 

"Mr.  President:  I  am  in  favor  of  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence  because  it  contains  one  of  the 
grandest  propositions  that  any  system  of  government 
can  build  upon,  and  that  is:  All  men  are  created 
equal." 

Supposed  Speech  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  Pennsylvania: 

"Mr.  President:  I  am  in  favor  of  this  Declaration 
because  it  sets  forth  two  new  but  everlasting  prin 
ciples  of  democracy  and  these  are: 

"1.     All  men  are  created  equal. 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  11 

"2.  That  all  governments  derive  their  just  pow 
ers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed.  It  proclaims  to 
all  creation  the  glorious  truth  that  men  can  govern 
themselves. 

"Up  to  this  time  men  supposed  that  power  de 
scended  from  on  high  and  lit  on  the  heads  of  a  few 
tall  men  and  then  a  little  of  it  trickled  down  to  the 
great  body  of  the  people  below.  We  shall  now  re 
verse  all  this.  We  now  propose  to  make  it  begin  at 
the  bottom  and,  like  sap  in  the  trees  in  the  spring 
time,  go  up,  and  it  will  continue  to  go  up  FOREVER." 

Supposed  Speech  of  John  Rutledge  of  South  Carolina: 

"Mr.  President :  We  are  about  to  decide  the  great 
est  question  that  has  ever  been  debated  in  America, 
and  a  greater,  perhaps,  never  was  nor  never  will  be 
decided  among  men.  When  I  look  back  through  the 
series  of  political  events  and  consider  the  chain  of 
causes  and  effects,  I  am  surprised  at  the  greatness  of 
this  revolution.  Britain  has  been  filled  with  folly  and 
America  with  wisdom.  It  is  the  will  of  Heaven  that 
the  two  countries  should  be  sundered  forever;  it  may 
be  the  will  of  Heaven  that  America  will  suffer  calam 
ities  still  more  dreadful.  If  this  be  the  case,  the  fur 
nace  of  affliction  produces  refinements  in  States  as 
well  as  in  individuals.  But  I  submit  all  my  hopes  and 
fears  to  an  over-ruling  Providence,  in  which,  unfash 
ionable  as  the  faith  may  be,  I  firmly  believe. 

"Time  has  been  given  for  the  whole  people  ma 
turely  to  consider  the  great  question  of  independence, 
so  that  in  every  colony  of  the  thirteen  they  have  now 
adopted  it  as  their  own  act. 

"The  Fourth  Day  of  July,  1776,  will  be  the  most 
memorable  epoch  in  the  history  of  America,  commem 
orated  as  the  day  of  deliverance  by  solemn  acts  of 
devotion  to  God  Almighty  from  one  end  of  the  con 
tinent  to  the  other  from  this  time  forward  forever 
more.  You  may  think  me  transported  with  enthusi 
asm,  but  I  am  not.  I  am  well  aware  of  the  toll  of  blood 
and  treasure  that  it  will  cost  us  to  maintain  this  declar- 


12  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

ation,  yet  through  all  the  gloom  I  can  see  the  rays  of 
light  and  glory;  the  end  is  worth  all  th  emeans;  that 
posterity  shall  triumph  in  this  transaction  even  though 
we  should  rue  it,  but  by  the  grace  of  God  I  believe  we 
shall  never  rue  it." 

Supposed  Speech  of  John  Dickenson  of  Pennsylvania: 

"Mr.  President :  I  value  the  love  of  my  country 
as  I  ought,  but  I  value  my  country  more,  and  I  desire 
this  illustrious  assembly  to  witness  the  integrity  if  not 
the  policy  of  my  conduct. 

"I  am  opposed  to  the  adoption  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  at  this  time  because  it  will  not 
strengthen  us  by  one  man,  while  it  may  expose  our 
soldiers  to  additional  cruelties  and  outrages. 

"Before  such  a  step  is  taken  we  ought  to  know 
the  disposition  of  the  great  powers ;  and  how  far  they 
will  permit  any  one  or  more  of  them  to  interfere.  It 
is  singularly  disrespectful  to  France  to  make  the  Dec 
laration  before  her  sense  is  known  as  we  have  already 
sent  an  agent  to  inquire  whether  such  a  declaration 
would  be  acceptable  to  her,  but  that  agent  has  hardly 
yet  arrived  at  the  court  of  Versailles.  Thus  to  break 
with  Great  Britain  before  we  have  compacted  with 
another  is  to  make  experiments  on  the  lives  and  lib 
erties  of  my  countrymen  which  I  would  sooner  die 
than  agree  to  make ;  at  best  it  is  to  throw  us  into  the 
hands  of  some  other  power,  and  to  lie  at  mercy,  for 
we  shall  have  passed  the  river  that  is  never  to  be  re- 
passed.  We  ought  to  retain  the  declaration  and  remain 
masters  of  our  own  fame  and  fate. 

"The  forming  of  our  government  is  a  new  and 
difficult  work.  The  Articles  of  Confederation  ought 
to  be  adotped  before  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
When  this  is  done,  and  the  people  perceive  that  they 
and  their  posterity  are  to  live  under  well  regulated 
constitutions,  they  will  be  encouraged  to  look  for 
ward  to  independence  as  completing  the  noble  system 
of  their  political  happiness. 

"Upon  the  whole,  wrhen  things  shall  thus  be  rend 
ered  firm  at  home  and  favorable  abroad,  then  let 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  13 

America,  bearing  up  her  glory  and  the  destiny  of  her 
descendant  advance  with  majestic  steps  and  assume 
her  station  among  the  sovereigns  of  the  world.  For, 
by  the  adoption  of  this  Declaration  of  Independence 
we  will  be  erecting  an  independent  empire  on  this  con 
tinent  which  would  be  a  phenomenon  in  the  world;  its 
effect  will  be  immense  and  will  vibrate  round  the 
globe." 

Supposed  Speech  of  John  Adams: 

"Sink  or  swim,  live  or  die,  survive  or  perish,  I 
am  for  this  Declaration. 

"Sir,  the  Declaration  will  inspire  the  people  with 
increased  courage.  Instead  of  a  long  and  bloody  war 
for  restoration  of  privileges,  set  before  them  the 
glorious  objects  of  entire  independence  and  it  will 
breathe  into  them  the  spirit  of  new  life. 

"Read  this  Declaration  at  the  head  of  the  army; 
every  sword  will  be  drawn  and  a  solemn  vow  uttered 
to  maintain  it  or  perish  on  the  field  of  honor.  Pub 
lish  it  from  the  pulpit;  religion  will  approve  it  and 
the  love  of  religious  liberty  will  cling  around  it  re 
solved  to  stand  with  it  or  fall  with  it.  Send  it  to  the 
public  halls,  proclaim  it  there.  Let  them  hear  it  who 
heard  the  first  roar  of  the  cannon ;  let  them  see  it  who 
saw  their  brothers  and  sons  fall  on  the  field  of  Bunker 
Hill  and  in  the  streets  of  Lexington  and  Concord  and 
the  very  walls  will  cry  out  in  its  support. 

"Sir,  I  know  the  uncertainty  of  human  affairs; 
but  I  see  clearly  through  this  day's  business.  You 
and  I  may  rue  it.  We  may  not  live  to  see  the  time  the 
Declaration  may  be  made  good.  We  may  die;  die  col 
onists;  die  slaves;  die,  it  may  be,  ignominiously  on 
the  scaffold !  Be  it  so !  Be  it  so !  If  it  be  the  pleas 
ure  of  Heaven  that  my  country  should  require  the  poor 
offering  of  my  life,  the  victim  shall  be  ready  at  the 
appointed  hour,  come  when  that  hour  may.  But  while 
I  do  live,  let  me  have  a  country  or  at  least  the  hope 
of  a  country,  and  that  a  free  country! 


14  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

"Whatever  may  be  our  fate,  be  assured  that  this 
Declaration  will  stand.  It  may  cost  blood,  it  may  cost 
blood  and  treasure.  But  it  will  stand  and  will  richly 
compensate  for  both.  Through  the  thick  gloom  of  the 
present  I  see  the  brightness  of  the  future  as  the  sun  in 
heaven.  We  shall  make  this  a  glorious  and  immortal 
day.  When  we  are  in  our  graves  our  children  will 
honor  it.  They  will  celebrate  it  with  thanksgiving, 
with  festivities,  with  bonfires,  and  illuminations.  On 
its  annual  return  they  will  shed  tears,  copious  tears; 
not  of  subjection  and  slavery,  not  of  agony  of  dis 
tress,  but  exultation  of  gratitude  and  of  joy. 

"Sir,  before  God  I  believe  the  hour  has  com.e 
My  judgment  approves  of  this  measure  and  my  whole 
heart  is  in  it.  All  that  I  have,  all  that  I  am,  and  all 
that  I  hoDe  to  be  in  this  life,  I  am  ready  now  and  here 
to  stake  upon  it. 

"And  I  leave  off  as  I  began:  That  'Live  or  die, 
survive  or  perish,  sink  or  swim/  I  give  my  hand  and 
my  heart  to  this  vote.  It  has  been  my  living  senti 
ment;  and  by  the  help  of  God  it  shall  be  my  dying 
sentiment;  INDEPENDENCE  NOW  AND  INDE 
PENDENCE  FOREVER." 

(Group  of  small  children  run  on  stage  shouting 
and  gesturing.) 

Go,  ring  the  bells,  and  fire  the  guns, 
And  fling  your  starry  banners  out. 
Shout  "Freedom!"  till  your  lisping  ones 
Give  back  their  cradle  shout! 

CURTAIN 

Scene  4.    Evening  programme. 

1.  Piano    Number — Washington's    March    (Hail    Co 

lumbia) 

2.  The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill . . .  Poem  by  F.  S.  Cozzens 

3.  Liberty  Song,  "Come  Join  Hand  in  Hand,"  etc. . 

Mercy  Warren 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  15 

Come  join  hand  in  hand,  brave  Americans  all, 
And  rouse  your  bold  hearts  at  fair  Liberty's  call ; 
No  tyrannous  arts  shall  suppress  your  just  claim, 
Or  stain  with  dishonor  America's  name. 

Chorus : 

In  freedom  we're  born,  and  in  freedom  we'll  live, 

Our  purses  are  ready,  steady,  friends,  steady, 

Not  as  slaves,  but  as  freemen,  our  money  we'll  give. 

4.  Speech  of  William  Pitt — House  of  Commons,  Jan 

uary,  1776. 

Mr.  Speaker :  The  day  has  now  come  to  consider 
the  state  of  the  nation  with  respect  to  America. 

Gentlemen,  this  is  the  greatest  subject  that  has 
ever  engaged  the  attention  of  this  House,  one  subject 
alone  excepted  when,  near  a  century  ago,  it  was  the 
question  whether  you  yourselves  were  to  be  bond  or 
free. 

At  this  time  I  will  speak  to  but  one  point.  TAX 
ATION  WITHOUT  REPRESENTATION.  Sir:  It  is 
my  opinion  that  this  kingdom  has  no  right  to  tax  the 
colonies.  They  are  the  subjects  of  this  kingdom,  equally 
entitled  with  yourselves  to  all  the  natural  rights  of 
mankind  and  the  peculiar  privileges  of  Englishmen. 
Americans  are  the  sons,  not  the  bastards,  of  England. 
Gentlemen  tell  us  that  America  is  obstinate,  America 
in  almost  in  open  rebellion.  Sir,  I  rejoice  that  America 
has  resisted.  Three  millions  so  dead  to  all  the  feelings 
of  liberty  as  voluntarily  to  submit  to  be  slaves  would 
have  been  fit  instruments  to  make  slaves  of  all  the  rest. 

And,  sir,  if  I  were  an  American  as  I  am  an  English 
man,  while  a  foreign  foe  remained  on  our  soil  I  would 
never  lay  down  my  arms,  never,  NEVER,  NEVER ! ! ! 

5.  Song "Ode  to  the  4th  of  July" 

THE  AMERICAN 

Come  all  ye  sons  of  song,  pour  the  full  sound  along, 

In  joyful  strains; 

Beneath  these  western  skies,  see  a  new  empire  rise, 
Bursting  with  glad  surprise, 

Tyrannic  chains. 


16  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

Now  all  ye  sons  of  song,  pour  the  full  sound  along, 

Who  shall  control; 

For  in  this  western  clime,  Freedom  shall  rise  sublime 
Till  every  changing  time, 

Shall  cease  to  roll. 

6.  Speech  of  Patrick  Henry 

(Delivered  at  Richmond,  Va.,  on  a  Resolution  to 
put  the  Commonwealth  into  a  state  of  defense, 
March  23,  1775) 

This  is  no  time  for  ceremony.  The  question  now  before  us 
is  one  of  awful  moment  to  this  country.  For  my  own  part,  I 
consider  it  as  nothing  less  than  a  question  of  freedom  or  slavery. 

Mr.  President,  it  is  natural  for  man  to  indulge  in  the  illu 
sions  of  hope.  We  are  apt  to  shut  our  eyes  against  a  painful 
truth,  and  listen  to  the  song  of  that  siren,  till  she  transforms 
us  into  beasts.  Is  this  the  part  of  wise  men,  engaged  in  a  great 
and  arduous  struggle  for  liberty?  Shall  we  acquire  the  means 
of  effectual  resistance  by  lying  supinely  on  our  backs  and  hugg 
ing  the  delusive  phantom  of  hope,  until  our  enemies  have  bound 
us  hand  and  foot? 

Let  us  not,  I  beseech  you,  sir,  deceive  ourselves  any  longer. 
Sir,  we  have  done  everything  that  could  be  done,  to  avert  the 
storm  that  is  now  coming  on.  But  our  remonstrances  have  pro 
duced  additional  violence  and  insult.  There  is  no  longer  any 
room  for  hope.  If  we  wish  to  be  free — if  we  mean  to  preserve 
inviolate  those  inestimable  privileges  for  which  we  have  been  so 
long  contending — if  we  mean  not  basely  to  abandon  the  noble 
struggle  in  which  we  have  been  so  long  engaged,  and  which  we 
have  pledged  ourselves  never  to  abandon,  until  the  glorious  object 
of  our  contest  shall  be  obtained — we  must  fight!  I  repeat  it,  sir, 
we  must  fight!  An  appeal  to  arms  and  to  the  God  of  Hosts  is 
all  that  is  left  us! 

They  tell  us,  sir,  that  we  are  weak;  unable  to  cope  with  so 
formidable  an  enemy.  Sir,  we  are  not  weak  if  we  make  a  proper 
use  of  those  means  which  the  God  of  nature  hath  placed  in  our 
power.  The  millions  of  our  people,  armed  in  the  holy  cause  of 
liberty,  and  in  such  a  country  as  that  which  we  possess,  are  in 
vincible  by  any  force  which  our  enemy  can  send  against  us.  Be 
sides,  sir,  we  shall  not  fight  our  battles  alone.  There  is  a  just 
God  who  presides  over  the  destinies  of  nations,  and  who  will 
raise  up  friends  to  fight  our  battles  for  us.  The  battle,  sir,  is 
not  to  the  strong  alone;  it  is  to  the  vigilant,  the  active,  the 
brave.  Besides,  sir,  we  have  no  election.  If  we  were  base 
enough  to  desire  it,  it  is  now  too  late  to  retire  from  the  contest. 
There  is  no  retreat,  but  in  submission  and  slavery. 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  17 

The  war  is  inevitable — and  let  it  come!  I  repeat  it,  sir,  let 
it  come.  Gentlemen  cry.  Peace,  Peace — but  there  is  no  peace. 
Is  life  so  dear,  or  peace  so  sweet  as  to  be  purchased  at  the  price 
of  chains  and  slavery?  Forbid  it,  Almighty  God!  I  know  not 
what  course  others  may  take;  but  as  for  me,  erive  me  LIBERTY 
OR  GIVE  ME  DEATH! 

7.  Song Yankee  Doodle 

8.  Dance . .  ,  Minuette 


ACT  II. 

THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION 

The  Constitutional  Convention  assembled  in  1787, 
in  the  same  city,  the  same  building  (the  State  House), 
and  in  the  same  room  that  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  was  adopted  and  signed  in  1776. 

George  Washington  was  President  of  this  Convention,  which 
numbered  fifty-five  members.  An  abler  body  of  statesmen  had 
not  assembled  in  modern  times  than  this  which  made  the  Consti 
tution  in  1787,  nor  has  any  assembly  met  with  truer  motives  or 
produced  a  grander  result. 

(Prominent  members  file  in  as  their  names  are  called  by  an 
announcer  off  stage.) 

George    Washington    (Va.) — Father   of   his    country.      Soldier. 
Statesman. 

Benjamin  Franklin   (Penn.) — Oldest  man  in  Convention.     Phil 
osopher  and  Diplomat. 

John  Dickenson   (Del.) — Who  opposed  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  but  a  true  Patriot. 

James  Wilson  (Penn.) — The  ablest  Lawyer  in  the  Convention. 

Robert  Morris  (Penn.) — Financier  of  the  Revolution. 

Gouveneur  Morris  (Penn.) — Author  of  our  Decimal  System  of 
money  and  writer  of  the  Constitution. 

James  Madison  (Va.) — Father  of  the  Constitution  and  a  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States. 

Edmond  Randolph   (Va.) — First  Attorney-General  of  the  Cab 
inet. 

Alexander  Hamilton    (N.   Y.) — Brilliant  orator  and  ablest  de 
fender  of  the  Constitution.    Killed  by  Aaron  Burr  in  a  duel. 

John  Rutledge  (S.  C.) — Orator  from  South  Carolina. 

Charles  C.  Pinckney  (S.  C.) — Famous  for  the  saying,  "Millions 
for  defense  but  not  one  cent  for  tribute." 

Rufus  King  (Mass.) — Noted  politician  of  Massachusetts.     Later 
Senator  for  New  York. 

Elbridge  Gerry   (Mass.) — Famed  for  the  term,  "Gerrymander." 

Roger  Sherman   (Conn.) — The  shoemaker  statesman  from  Con 
necticut. 
(The  other  members  file  in  and  take  their  seats  with  Mr. 

William  Jackson,  Secretary,  and  several  little  children  as  pages 

sitting  on  steps,  and  the  Doorkeeper  and  Sergeant-at-arms.) 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  19 

Mr.  Edmund  Randolph  (Va.)  : 

Mr.  President:  I  offer  the  following  resolution: 
Resolved,  that  we  set  aside  the  Articles  of  Confedera 
tion  and  adopt  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

This  motoin  is  seconded  and  put  by  the  President. 
Mr.  Wilson: 

I  move  that  the  House  go  into  a  Committee  of  the 
whole  on  the  State  of  the  Union. 

This  motion  is  seconded  and  put  and  carried.  Wash 
ington  appoints  Mr.  Wilson  of  Pennsylvania  to  take  the 
chair.  When  he  does  so  Mr.  Pinckney  of  South  Caro 
lina  speaks. 

Each  speaker  addresses  the  Chair  in  parliamentary 
form  and  obtains  the  floor. 

Here  a  parliamentary  drill  may  continue  ad  lib. 
following  Roberts  Rules  of  Order,  Cushing's  Manual, 
Jefferson's  or  any  other  standard  work. 

Mr.  Pinckney  (S.  C.)  : 

"Mr.  President:  We,  the  delegates  from  South 
Carolina,  have  been  instructed  to  come  here  to  amend 
the  Articles  of  Confederation;  not  to  set  them  aside 
and  adopt  a  Constitution.  To  say  that  the  Articles 
are  insufficient  and  could  not  be  amended  or  improved 
is,  I  think,  to  put  the  matter  out  of  the  reach  of  the 
powers  of  this  Convention.  We  must  do  only  what  will 
please  our  people." 

George  Washington  (Va.)  : 

"Mr.  President:  My  wish  is  that  the  convention 
may  adopt  a  Constitution  that  will  stamp  wisdom  and 
dignity  on  those  proceedings  and  hold  up  a  light  which 
sooner  or  later  will  have  its  influence.  It  may  be  prob 
able  that  no  plan  we  propose  will  be  adopted.  Perhaps 
another  conflict  is  to  be  sustained.  If  to  please  the 
people  we  offer  what  we  ourselves  disapprove,  how 


20  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

can  we  afterward  defend  our  work?  Let  us  raise  a 
standard  to  which  the  wise  and  honest  can  repair;  the 
event  is  with  God."  (It  is  said  Washington  made  no 
other  speech  in  this  Convention.) 

Mr.  Edmund  Randolph  (Va.)  : 

"Mr.  President:  We  have  met  here  for  the  pur 
pose  of  amending  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  but 
this  Resolution  seeks  to  set  aside  the  Articles  and  in  its 
place  put  what  we  call  the  plan  proposed  by  the  Vir 
ginia  delegates  which  offers  a  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  We  have  two  plans  set  before  us.  One 
called  the  New  Jersey  plan;  the  other  the  Virginia 
plan.  The  difference  is  this  : 

The  New  Jersey  plan  makes  the  State  prominent 
and  responsible;  while  the  Virginia  plan  makes  the 
people  prominent  and  responsible. 

The  New  Jersey  plan  provides  for  but  one  Legis 
lative  body;  and  in  it  each  State  shall  have  but  one 
vote;  the  Virginia  plan  provides  for  two  Legislative 
branches  representing  the  people  according  to  popula 
tion  and  wealth. 

The  New  Jersey  plan  is  a  mere  amendment  of  the 
Articles  of  Confederation. 

The  Virginia  plan  provides  for  a  complete  change 
of  government  with  three  departments :  The  Legislative 
Department  consisting  of  a  Senate  and  House  of  Rep 
resentatives.  The  Executive  Department  consisting  of 
a  President ;  and  a  Judicial  Department  consisting  of  a 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  and  Inferior 
Courts. 

I  am  in  favor  of  the  Virginia  plan  and  favor  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Patterson  (N.  J.)  : 

"Mr.  President :  We  have  met  in  this  room  as  the 
representatives  of  thirteen  independent  States  for  Fed 
eral  purposes.  Can  we  form  one  government  and  de- 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  21 

stroy  the  sovereignty  of  the  very  States  that  have  sent 
us  here  to  make  it  yet  more  secure?    I  fancy  not. 

Again,  what,  pray,  is  a  property  representation? 
Is  a  man  with  twenty  thousand  pounds  to  have  twenty 
times  as  many  votes  as  a  man  with  one  thousand 
pounds  ? 

And  what,  pray,  is  a  representation  founded  on 
numbers  ? 

Shall  I  submit  the  welfare  of  New  Jersey  with  its 
five  votes  in  a  council  where  Virginia  has  sixteen?  I 
will  never  consent  to  the  proposed  plan.  I  shall  work 
against  it  all  I  can.  Neither  my  state  nor  myself  will 
ever  submit  to  despotism  or  to  tyranny." 

Mr.  Wilson:     (Mr.  Wilson  calls  Mr.  Sherman  to  the 
Chair) 

"Mr.  President:  Let  me  remind  the  gentleman 
from  New  Jersey  that  the  states  have  a  right  to  con 
federate  with  each  other  if  they  please  and  the  rest  can 
stay  out  if  they  please.  If  they  want  their  own  way 
and  go  out  of  the  Union,  let  them  go !  (Pounds  desk) . 
I  want  to  say  here,  that  I  think  numbers  are  the  true 
basis  of  representation.  If  numbers  is  not  a  proper 
rule,  why  is  not  some  better  rule  pointed  out  ?  Congress 
has  never  been  able  to  discover  a  better.  No  state  has 
suggested  any  other.  Property  is  not  the  sole  nor  the 
primary  end  of  government  and  society;  the  improve 
ment  of  the  human  mind  is  the  most  noble  object.  It  is 
absurd  to  say  that  New  Jersey  with  her  small  popula 
tion  should  have  the  same  influence  in  National  Coun 
cils  as  Pennsylvania,  I  say  it  is  unjust.  I  never  will 
confederate  on  such  a  plan.  The  gentleman  from  New 
Jersey  is  candid  and  bold.  I  commend  him  for  it.  I 
will  be  equally  candid.  I  say  again  I  never  will  confed 
erate  on  his  principles.  For  whom  do  we  make  the 
Constitution?  Is  it  for  men,  or  for  imaginary  beings 
called  States?"  (He  resumes  the  Chair  and  Mr.  Sher 
man  resumes  his  seat) . 
Mr.  Hamilton: 


22  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

"Mr.  President:  I  do  not  like  either  the  New  Jer 
sey  plan  or  the  Virginia  plan,  but  I  like  the  New  Jersey 
plan  the  less.  It  is  the  old  Articles  of  Confederation 
with  a  few  patches.  It  is  pork  still  with  a  change  of 
sauce.  I  think  we  ought  to  throw  it  all  out  together 
and  adopt  the  Virginia  plan  and  make  it  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  provided  it  is  amended,  and 
I  will  offer  several  amendments  to  the  Constitution 
which  I  wish  to  move  at  some  future  time." 

Mr.  Sherman  (Conn.)  : 

"Mr.  President :  I  wish  at  this  time  to  call  atten 
tion  to  the  Executive  Department.  I  am  in  favor  of 
having  more  than  one  President,  or,  if  but  one,  then  a 
Council  of  Revision. 

"The  requirements  of  a  good  executive  are  vigor, 
dispatch,  and  responsibility  and  I,  for  one,  can't  see 
why  they  cannot  be  found  in  three  men  as  well  as  one. 
A  president  alone  would  be  a  Monarchy  and  the  people 
will  never  brook  a  King." 

Mr.  Rufus  King  (Mass.)  : 

"Mr.  President:  I  will  remind  the  gentleman 
from  Connecticut  that  all  the  thirteen  States  including 
his  own  have  already  agreed  on  a  single  Executive,  one 
Governor.  Not  one  State  has  ever  thought  of  more 
than  one  Governor.  Every  one  knows  that  a  single 
executive  is  not  a  king." 

Mr.  Rutledge  (S.  C.)  : 

"Mr.  President :  I  move  that  the  clause  prohibit 
ing  the  slave  trade  in  1808,  be  stricken  out.  I  believe 
that  the  Southern  States  should  have  as  good  a  right 
to  buy  slaves  from  a  foreign  country  as  from  the  states 
themselves." 

Pierce  Butler  (S.  C.)  : 

"Mr.  President :  I  second  the  motion."  (The  mo 
tion  is  put  and  then  debated.) 

"Mr.  President :    Blacks  are  slaves  and  therefore 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  23 

property.  I  lament  that  such  a  species  of  property  ex 
ists  ;  but  as  it  does  exist,  the  holders  of  it  will  require 
its  security  and  protection.  North  Carolina  will  never 
confederate  on  terms  that  dp  not  rate  their  blacks  at 
least  as  three-fifths.  This  is  but  just  and  you  must 
do  us  justice  or  we  will  separate  from  the  Union." 

John  Langdon  (N.  H.)  : 

"Mr.  President :  The  Southern  States  threaten  to 
separate  now  in  case  injury  shall  be  done  them.  Well, 
there  will  never  be  a  time  when  they  will  not  say  'Do 
us  justice,  give  us  slavery,  or  we  will  separate.  Give 
us  assurance  that  our  slaves  will  not  be  taken  from  us 
or  we  will  withdraw  from  the  Union.' 

'Tor  my  part  I  will  oppose  even  the  name  'slave' 
appearing  in  the  Constitution.  I  do  not  want  even  the 
word  'slave'  to  be  found  anywhere  in  that  immortal 
document." 

Mr.  Sherman : 

"Mr.  President:  Rather  than  part  with  the 
Southern  States  it  is  better  to  let  them  import  slaves. 
But  I  think  it  wrong  to  admit  in  the  Constitution  the 
idea  that  there  can  be  property  in  men.  I  am  in  favor 
of  prohibiting  the  slave  trade  altogether,  but  to  favor 
the  South  I  will  agree  to  let  it  go  on  till  1808.  I  will 
vote  against  striking  out  the  clause." 

Daniel  Carroll  (Md.)  : 

"Mr.  President:  It  seems  now  well  understood 
that  the  real  difference  of  interest  lies,  not  between  the 
large  and  small  states,  but  between  the  Northern  and 
the  Southern,  between  the  slave  and  the  anti-slave 
states.  The  institution  of  slavery  and  its  consequences 
already  forms  the  line  of  discrimination. 

"The  equality  of  vote  that  each  state  has  in  the 
Senate  will  give  the  slave  States  a  balance  of  power 
over  the  anti-slave  States,  but  the  latter  will  have  a 
majority  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  where  the 
representation  is  according  to  population.  But  the  su- 


24  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

periority  of  the  free  commonwealths  will,  no  doubt, 
increase  from  decade  to  decade  till  slavery  in  the 
United  States  shall  be  no  more.  This  is  a  question  that 
cannot  be  finally  settled  at  this  time." 

(The  motion  is  then  put  and  a  tie  vote  results.  The 
president  may  vote  no  or  decide  the  motion  is  lost  with 
out  his  vote.) 

Mr.  Randolph: 

"Mr.  President:  I  move  that  the  Committee  rise 
and  report  favorable  on  the  Constitution." 

(This  Motion  is  seconded,  put,  and  carried.  Mr. 
Wilson  then  yields  the  chair  to  George  Washington,  and 
after  taking  his  seat,  rises  and  reports.) 

Mr.  Wilson  (Penn.)  : 

"Mr.  President :  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  this 
House  that  the  Committee  reports  'favorable'  on  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

The  President :  "What  will  you  do  with  the  Con 
stitution?" 

Mr.  Madison  (Va.)  : 

"Mr.  President:  I  am  in  favor  of  adopting  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  because  it  is,  I  be 
lieve,  by  far  the  most  important  production  of  its  kind 
in  all  history.  Never  in  the  history  of  the  world  has  a 
Federal  National  Government  been  created.  It  com 
bines  national  strength  with  individual  ability  in  a  de 
gree  so  remarkable  that  it  will  attract  the  world's  ad 
miration.  Never  in  the  history  of  man  has  a  govern 
ment  struck  so  fine  a  balance  between  liberty  and 
union;  between  state  rights  and  sovereignty.  The 
world  has  labored  for  ages  to  solve  this  greatest  of  all 
governmental  problems,  but  it  has  labored  in  vain. 
Greece  in  her  mad  clamor  for  liberty  had  forgotten  the 
need  of  the  strength  that  Union  brings,  and  she  per 
ished.  Rome  made  the  opposite  mistake.  Rome  fos 
tered  Union — Nationality — for  its  strength  until  it  be- 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  25 

came  a  tyranny  and  strangled  the  child  liberty.  It  has 
been  left  for  us  to  strike  the  balance  between  these 
opposing  tendencies ;  to  join  them  in  perpetual  wedlock 
in  such  a  way  as  to  secure  the  benefits  of  both. 

"Only  the  small  states  here  oppose  the  Constitu 
tion  because  they  believe  that  the  great  states  will 
combine  against  them.  Why  think  of  such  a  thing? 
Can  such  States  ever  form  such  a  combination?  Does 
not  the  history  of  every  country  on  the  face  of  the 
earth  disprove  it?  I  call  your  attention  to  incidents  in 
the  history  of  Sparta,  of  Athens,  of  Carthage,  of  Rome, 
of  the  House  of  Bourbon,  or  of  the  House  of  Austria. 
It  is  the  strong  States  that  fall  out,  the  weak  ones  that 
combine. 

"Sir,  I  predict  that  this  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  will  be  pronounced  by  future  historians  and 
statesmen  of  the  world  as  the  greatest  work  ever  struck 
off  by  the  mind  and  purpose  of  man." 

Benjamin  Franklin : 

"Mr.  President:  I  have  lived  a  long  time  and 
have  often  been  obliged  to  change  my  opinion  on  mat 
ters  on  which  I  was  once  sure  I  was  right.  The  older 
I  grow,  therefore,  the  more  I  am  apt  to  doubt  my  judg 
ment  and  to  pay  more  respect  to  the  judgments  of 
others.  I  agree  to  the  Constitution  with  all  its  faults, 
if  it  have  any.  I  had  expected  no  better  and  I  am  not 
sure  that  it  is  not  the  best.  It  astonishes  me  to  find 
this  system  approaching  so  near  to  perfection.  I  hope 
that  each  member  who  still  has  objections  will  doubt 
a  little  of  his  own  infallibility  and  put  his  name  to  the 
instrument.  I  propose  the  following  form : 

"  'Done  in  Convention  by  the  unanimous  consent 
of  the  States  present,  the  Seventeenth  day  of  Septem 
ber,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord,  one  thousand  seven  hun 
dred  and  eighty-seven,  and  of  the  Independence  of  our 
United  States  of  America,  the  twelfth.' 

"In  witness  whereof  we  have  hereunto  subscribed 


26  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

George  Washington  (holding  one  hand  on  the  Con 
stitution  and  the  other  uplifted  holding  the  pen)  said: 

"Should  the  States  reject  this  excellent  Constitu 
tion,  the  probability  is  that  opportunity  will  never 
again  offer  to  construct  another  in  peace.  The  next 
will  be  drawn  in  blood." 

(Washington  signed  the  Constitution  first  and  the  States 
signed  in  order  from  the  East  as  follows)  : 

New  Hampshire — John  Langdon,  Nicholas  Oilman. 

Massachusetts — Nathaniel   Gorham,  Rufus  King. 

Connecticut — William  Samuel  Johnson,  Roger  Sherman. 

New  York — Alexander  Hamilton. 

New  Jersey — William  Livingston,  David  Bearly,  Wm.  Pat 
terson,  Jonathan  Dayton. 

Pennsylvania — Thos.  Fitzsimmons,  Jared  Ingersoll,  James 
Wilson,  Governeur  Morris,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Robert  Morris, 
Geo.  Clymer,  Thomas  Mifflin. 

Delaware — Geo.  Read,  Gunning  Bedford  Jr.,  Jno.  Dickenson, 
Rich  Bassett,  J.  Broom. 

Maryland — James  McHenry,  Daniel  of  St.  Thomas  Jenifer, 
Daniel  Carroll. 

Virginia — John  Blair,  James  Madison,  Jr. 

North  Carolina — William  Blount,  Richard  Dobbs  Spaight, 
Hugh  Williamson. 

South  Carilona — J.  Rutledge,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney, 
Pierce  Butler,  C.  Pinckney. 

Georgia — William  Few,  Abraham  Baldwin. 

William  Jackson,  Secretary.     (Thirty-nine  signed.) 

(After  all  (39)  had  signed  Mr.  Franklin  made 
the  following  remarks). 

Mr.  Franklin: 

"Mr.  President:  I  have  often  and  often,  in  the 
course  of  this  session  and  the  vicissitude  of  my  hopes 
and  fears  as  to  its  issue,  looked  at  that  painting  behind 
the  president  without  being  able  to  tell  whether  it  was 
a  rising  or  setting  sun !  But  now  at  length  I  have  the 
happiness  to  know  that  it  is  a  RISING  SUN ! !" 

In  place  of  taking  the  time  for  signing  the  Con 
stitution  a  better  plan  might  be  for  all  to  repeat  in  con- 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  27 

cert  the  Preamble  to  the  Constitution  : 

We,  the  people  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
In  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union ; 
Establish  justice; 
Insure  domestic  tranquility; 
Provide  for  the  common  defense; 
Promote  the  general  welfare ;  and 

Secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves 

and  our  posterity 

Do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the 
United  States  of  America. 

(In  case  the  preamble  is  recited,  insert  Franklin's  last 
speech  here.) 

(A  hint:  It  is  recorded  that  after  the  Convention  adjourned 
sine  die  they  went  in  a  body  and  dined  together,  Washington 
with  a  short  speech  excusing  himself  and  retiring  immediately 
after  dining.) 

Scene  2.     A  Platform  or  Stage  cleared  for  Drills. 

DRILLS 

Objective  points  of  drills : 

No.  1.     To  show  the  contest  between  the  SMALL 
and  LARGE  States. 

No.  2.     To  show  the  contest  between  the  Northern 
and  Southern  States. 

No.  3.     To  show  the  order  in  which  the  States 
entered  the  Union. 

DRILL  NO.  1 

The  Small  States  (Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  Jersey, 
Delaware,  Maryland,  and  South  Carolina)  represented  by  smaller 
players  and  the  large  States  (New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  Georgia) 
represented  by  larger  players  may  be  shown  very  well  in  con 
test  by  a  dance,  "Pearls  of  Dew  Mazurka,"  by  the  Victor  Dance 
Orchestra.  (Victor  Record  No.  35037-A). 


28  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

DRILL  NO.  2 

In  like  manner,  by  a  dance  or  military  drill  may  be  shown  a 
contest  between  the  Slave  States,  Maryland,  Delaware,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  on  one  side  and  the 
Free  Soil  States,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  on  the 
other,  but  in  different  costume,  however  not  in  "blue"  against  the 
"gray"  at  this  time.  The  Palmetto  against  the  Pine  would  per 
haps  be  better. 

DRILL  NO.  3 

The  following  drill  is  suggested: 

Let  the  Goddess  of  Liberty,  Columbia,  stand  on  platform  in 
rear  of  stage  at  the  center,  with  thirteen  flags  each  haying  thir 
teen  stars  in  a  circle  in  the  blue  field  and  thirteen  stripes.  Let 
players  enter  in  the  order  the  states  ratified  the  Constitution  and 
entered  the  Union.  First,  Delaware  marches  in  from  Left  Upper 
Entrance,  kneels  and  raises  hand  appealingly  for  a  flag;  Co 
lumbia  gives  one  of  her  small  flags;  Delaware  marches  down 
stage  waving  her  flag  and  repeats:  "I  am  the  State  of  Delaware, 
the  Diamond  State,  the  first  State  to  enter  the  Union.  My  birth 
day  (date  of  entrance)  is  December  6,  1787.  (She  may  give 
her  boundary  arid  any  other  fact  of  her  colonial  history,  her 
capital,  largest  city,  or  any  appropriate  characteristic  of  her 
State).  With  a  skip  she  takes  her  place  on  the  Left  down  stage. 
Next  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  enters  and  follows  the  same  rou 
tine  for  her  state,  the  Keystone  State,  but  takes  her  place  on 
the  opposite  side  of  stage  to  represent  a  Free  State.  The  States 
follow  the  same  routine  till  after  New  Hampshire  enters.  She 
being  the  ninth  State  to  enter  the  "Union,"  is  established  by  the 
terms  of  the  Constitution.  These  Nine  States  may  join  hands 
and  sing  "America"  or  do  a  dance,  giving  their  flags  to  Columbia 
until  completed,  when  they  retake  their  flags  and  resume  their 
respective  places.  After  this  "Uncle  Sam"  appears  at  the  door 
up  Left  and  announces  to  Columbia  that  the  State  of  Virginia 
seeks  to  enter  the  Union.  Columbia  replies:  "Admit  her." 
Virginia  enters  and  follows  the  same  routine,  as  also  do  the 
remaining  States.  Rhode  Island  being  the  last  and  smallest 
very  haughtily  and  independently  enters  and  takes  her  place  at 
the  head  of  the  Free  line  and  completes  the  double  line  with  six 
states  on  the  Slave  side  and  seven  on  the  Free  Soil  side.  Co 
lumbia  may  come  to  center  with  a  large  flag  and  all  waving 
flags  the  act  may  end  and  the 

CURTAIN  FALLS 

Or  the  drill  may  continue  as  outlined  in  Act  IV. 
Scene  1.    The  Evolution  of  the  Flag.     (See  Act  IV.) 

The  following  table  will  assist  the  director  in  ar- 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  29 

ranging  these  drills: 

STATES  AS  THEY  ENTERED  THE  UNION 
States  as  they  entered  the  Union : 

1.  Delaware — Slave  State,  Dec.  6,  1787;  unanimous. 

2.  Pennsylvania— Free  State,  Dec.  12,  1787;  46  to  23. 

3.  New  Jersey,  Free  State,  Dec.  18,  1787;  unanimous. 

4.  Georgia — Slave  State,  Jan.  2,  1788;  unanimous. 

5.  Connecticut — Free  State,  Jan.  9,  1788;  128  to  40. 

6.  Massachusetts— Free  State,  Feb.  6,  1788;  187  to  167. 

7.  Maryland— Slave  State,  April  28,  1788;  63  to  11. 

8.  South  Carolina— Slave  State,  May  23,  1788;  149  to  73. 

9.  New  Hampshire— Free  State,  June  21,  1788;  57  to  46. 

10.  Virginia— Slave  State,  June  26,  1788;  89  to  79. 

11.  New  York— Free  State,  July  26,  1788;  30  to  27. 

12.  North  Carolina — Slave  State,  Nov.  21,  1789 ;  384  to  282. 

13.  Rhode  Island— Free  State,  May  29,  1790. 

14.  Vermont — Free  State,  March  4,  1791;  Washington's  admin 

istration. 

15.  Kentucky— Slave  State,  June  1,  1792;  Washington's  Admin 

istration. 

16.  Tennessee — Slave  State,  June  1,  1796;  Washington's  admin 

istration. 

17.  Ohio— Free  State,  Nov.  29,  1803;  Jefferson's  administration. 

18.  Louisiana — Slave  State,  April  30,  1812;  Madison's  admin 

istration. 

19.  Indiana — Free  State,  Dec.  11,  1816;  Madison's  administra 

tion. 

20.  Mississippi — Slave  State,  Dec.  10,  1817;  Monroe's  adminis 

tration. 

21.  Illinois — Free  State,  Dec.  3,  1818;  Monroe's  administration. 

22.  Alabama — Slave  State,  Dec.  14,  1819;  Monroe's  administra 

tion. 

23.  Maine — Free   State,  March  3,  1820;   Monroe's  administra 

tion. 

24.  Missouri — Free  State,  Aug.  10,  1820;  Monroe's  administra 

tion. 

25.  Arkansas — Free  State,  June  15,  1836;  Jackson's  administra 

tion. 

26.  Michigan— Free   State,  Jan.  26,  1837;  Tyler's  administra 

tion. 

27.  Florida — Slave  State,  March  3,  1845 ;  Folk's  administration. 

28.  Texas— Slave  State,  Dec.  29,  1845;  Folk's  administration. 

29.  Iowa — Free  State.  Dec.  28,  1846;  Folk's  administration. 


30  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

30.  Wisconsin— Free  State,  May  29,  1848;  Folk's  administra 

tion. 

31.  California — Free  State,  Sept.  9,  1850;  Taylor's  administra 

tion. 

32.  Minnesota — Free  State,  May  11,  1858;  Buchanan's  adminis 

tration. 

Oregon — Free  State,  Feb.  14,  1859;  Buchanan's  administration. 

Kansas — Free  State,  Jan.  29,  1861;  Buchanan's  administration. 

West  Virginia — Free  State,  June  17,  1863 ;  Lincoln's  administra 
tion. 

Nevada — Free  State,  Oct.  31,  1864;  Lincoln's  administration. 

Nebraska — March   1,   1867;   Johnson's   administration. 

Colorado — Aug.  1,  1876;  Hayes'  administration. 

North  Dakota — Nov.  2,  1889;  Harrison's  administration. 

South  Dakota — Nov.  2,  1889;  Harrison's  administration. 

Montana — Nov.  8,  1889;  Harrison's  administration. 

Washington — Nov.  11,  1889;  Harrison's  administration. 

Wyoming — July  11,  1890;  Harrison's  administration. 

Idaho — July  3,  1890;  Harrison's  administration. 

Utah — Jan.  4,  1895;  Harrison's  administration. 

Oklahoma — Nov.  16,  1907;  McKinley's  administration. 

Arizona — Jan.  6,  1911;  McKinley's  administration. 

New  Mexico — Feb.  14,  1911;  Roosevelt's  administration. 

ACT  II. 

Scene  3.  For  this  scene  any  short  scene  from  a 
Classical  Play  that  was  produced  at  that  period  as 
Sheridan's  School  For  Scandal  or  any  of  Shakespeare's 
plays  or  comedies  may  be  given.  One  of  several  of 
these  is  here  given  as  a  sample. 

A  Scene  from  Act  III,  Julius  Caesar 

(No  elaborate  setting  or  scenery  need  be  used  as  it  is  now 
believed  the  best  effects  with  young  people  are  gotten  without 
such  diverting  trappings,  rather  let  the  attention  be  concentrated 
upon  voice  and  action  and  letting  the  imagination  withal  be  culti 
vated.  Even  the  prostrate  body  of  the  slain  Caesar  in  this  scene 
is  better  imagined.  As  a  stage  production  of  course,  costume 
and  properties  of  that  Roman  period  are  necessary.) 

As  the  curtain  rises,  Senators  and  people  are  in  a 
panic  running  hither  and  thither,  shouting  and  shriek- 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  31 

ing.    Caesar  lies  bleeding  having  been  stabbed  just  be 
fore  the  rise  of  the  curtain. 

Characters  Represented 
Brutus  Trebonius  Decius 

Cassius  Cinna  Metellus 

Antony  Casca  Popilius 

(Follow  COPY  of  our  cut  version.) 
CURTAIN. 


CINNA: 

Liberty!     Freedom!     Tyranny  is  dead! 
Run  hence,  proclaim,  cry  it  about  the  streets. 

CASCA: 

Some  to  the  common  pulpits  and  cry  out 
Liberty,  freedom  and  enfranchisement! 

BRUTUS: 

People  and  Senators,  be  not  affrighted; 
Fly  not;  stand  still:  ambition's  debt  is  paid. 

METULLUS: 

Go  to  the  pulpit,  Brutus. 

DECIUS: 

And  Cassius,  too. 

(Trebonius  Enters) 

PIPILIUS  (To  Trebonius)  : 
Where  is  Antony? 

TREBONIUS: 

Fled  to  his  house  amazed: 

Men,  wives  and  children  stare,  cry  out  and  run 

As  it  were  doomsday. 

BRUTUS: 

Fates,  we  will  know  your  pleasures: 

That  we  shall  die  we  know;  'tis  but  the  time 

And  drawing  days  out,  that  men  stand  upon. 

CASSIUS: 

Why  he  that  cuts  off  twenty  years  of  life 
Cuts  of  so  many  years  of  fearing  death. 

BRUTUS: 

Grant  that,  and  then  is  death  a  benefit; 
So  are  we  Caesar's  friends,  that  have  abridged 
His  time  of  fearing  death.     Stoop,  Romans,  stoop, 
And  let  us  bathe  our  hands  in  Caesar's  blood 
Up  to  the  elbows,  and  besmear  our  swords: 
Then  walk  we  forth,  even  to  the  market-place, 


32  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

And,  waving  our  red  weapons  o'er  our  heads, 

Let's  all  cry,  "Peace,  Freedom  and  Liberty!" 
CASSIUS: 

Stoop  then  and  wash.     How  many  ages  hence 

Shall  this  our  lofty  scene  be  acted  over 

In  states  unborn  and  accents  yet  unknown! 
BRUTUS: 

But  here  comes  Antony.     (Enter  Antony).     Welcome  Mark 
Antony. 

ANTONY: 

0  mighty  Caesar!     Dost  thou  lie  so  low? 

Are  all  they  conquests,  glories,  triumphs,  spoil's, 
Shrunk  to  this  little  measure?     Fare  thee  well. 

1  know  not,  gentlemen,  what  you  intend, 
Who  else  must  be  let  blood,  who  else  is  rank: 
If  I,  myself,  there  is  no  hour  so  fit 

As  Caesar's  death  hour,  nor  no  instrument 

Of  half  the  worth  as  those  your  swords,  made  rich 

With  the  most  noble  blood  of  all  the  world. 

I  do  beseech  ye,  if  you  bear  me  hard, 

Now,  whilst  your  purpled  hands  do  reek  and  smoke, 

Fulfill  your  pleasure.     Live  a  thousand  years, 

I  shall  not  find  myself  so  apt  to  die : 

No  place  will  please  me  so,  no  mean  of  death, 

As  here  by  Caesar,  and  by  you  cut  off, 

The  choice  and  master  spirits  of  this  age. 

BRUTUS: 

O  Antony,  beg  not  your  death  of  us, 
Though  now  we  must  appear  bloody  and  cruel, 
Only  be  patient  till  we  have  appeased 
The  multitude,  beside  themselves  with  fear, 
And  then  we  will  deliver  you  the  cause, 
Why  I,  that  did  love  Caesar  when  I  struck  him, 
Have  thus  proceeded. 

ANTONY: 

Friends  am  I  with  you  all  and  love  you  all, 
Upon  this  hope,  that  you  shall  give  me  reasons 
Why  and  wherein  Caesar  was  dangerous. 

BRUTUS: 

Our  reasons  are  so  full  of  good  regard 
That  were  you,  Antony,  the  son  of  Caesar 
You   should  be  satisfied. 

ANTONY: 

That  is  all  I  seek; 
And  moreover  suitor  that  I  may 
Produce  his  body  to  the  market-place; 
And     .     .     .     Speak  in  the  order  of  his  fun'ral. 

BRUTUS: 

You  shall,  Mark  Antony. 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  33 

CASSIUS: 

Brutus,  a  word  with  you.  (Aside  to  Brutus) 
You  know  not  what  you  do :  do  not  consent 
That  Antony  speak  in  his  funeral 
Know  you  how  much  the  people  may  be  moved 
By  that  which  he  will  utter?     ...     I  like  it  not. 

BRUTUS: 

Mark  Antony,  here,  take  you  Caesar's  body, 
You  shall  not  in  your  funeral  speech  blame  us, 
But  speak  all  good  you  can  of  Caesar  devise 
And  say  you  do't  by  our  permission; 
Else  shall  you  not  have  any  hand  at  all 
About  his  funeral;  and  you  shall  speak 
In  the  same  pulpit  where  to  I  am  going, 
After  my  speech  is  ended. 

ANTONY: 

Be  it  so.     I  do  desire  no  more. 

BRUTUS: 

Prepare  the  body  and  then  follow  us.   (Exeunt  all  but  A.) 

ANTONY: 

O,  pardon  me,  thou  bleeding  piece  of  earth, 

That  I  am  meek  and  gentle  with  these  butchers! 

Thou  art  the  ruins  of  the  noblest  man 

That  ever  lived  in  the  tide  of  times. 

Woe  to  the  hand  that  shed  this  costly  blood! 

Over  thy  wounds  now  do  I  prophesy, — 

Which,  like  dumb  mouths,  do  ope  their  ruby  lips, 

To  beg  the  voice  and  utterance  of  my  tongue — 

A  curse  shall  light  upon  the  limbs  of  men; 

Domestic  fury  and  fierce  civil  strife 

Shall  cumber  all  the  parts  of  Italy; 

Blood  and  destruction  shall  be  so  in  use 

And  dreadful  objects  so  familiar 

That  mothers  shall  but  smile  when  they  behold 

Their  infants  quartered  with  the  hands  of  war; 

All  pity  choked  with  custom  of  fell  deeds; 

And  Caesar's  spirit,  raging  for  revenge, 

With  Ate  by  his  side  come  hot  from  hell, 

Shall  in  these  confines  with  a  monarch's  voice 

Cry  "Havoc,"  and  let  slip  the  dogs  of  war! 

CURTAIN 
(End  of  Scene  I.) 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

ACT  III. 

Scene  1.  The  United  States  Senate  in  session,  Federal  Hail, 
N.  Y.,  April  30,  1789.  Vice  President  John  Adams  is  in  the 
chair. 

President— "Next  in  the  order  of  business  is  bills  on 
first  reading. 

Rufus  King  of  New  York— "Mr.  President,  I  wish 
to  introduce  a  bill  entitled,  An  Act  to  Provide  for  Three 
Administrative  Departments:  1.  A  Department  ot 
Foreign  Affairs.  2.  A  Department  of  Financial  Af 
fairs.  3.  A  Department  of  War.  And  to  provide  a 
secretary  at  the  head  of  each  department." 

President— "This  is  the  first  reading  of  the  bill." 

John  Langdon  of  New  Hampshire — "Mr.  President, 
[  wish  to  introduce  a  bill  entitled  An  Act  to  Provide 
for  Taking  the  Census  Every  Ten  Years." 

President— "This  is  the  first  reading  of  the  bill. 
The  next  order  of  business  is  bills  on  second  reading. 
The  Secretary  will  read  them  in  order." 

Secretary— "An  Act  entitled,  An  Act  for  the  En 
couragement  of  and  Protection  of  Manufactures." 

President — "This  is  the  second  reading  of  the  bill 
What  will  you  do  with  the  bill?" 

Robert  Morris  of  Pennsylvania — "I  move  the  bill 
be  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means." 
This  motion  is  seconded  and  put  and  carried. 

President — "The  motion  is  carried  and  it  is  so  or 
dered.  The  Secretary  will  read  the  next  bill." 

Secretary— "An  Act  entitled,  An  Act  to  Provide  for 
the  Raising  of  Revenue  by  Placing  a  Tax  on  Whisky." 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  35 

President — "This  is  the  second  reading  of  the  bill. 
What  will  you  do  with  the  bill?" 

Pierce  Butler  of  South  Carolina — "Mr.  President,  I 
move  the  bill  be  placed  at  the  foot  of  the  calendar." 
(This  motion  is  put  and  carried  and  it  is  so  ordered.) 

Secretary — "An  act  entitled,  The  Judiciary  Act  to 
Provide  for  a  Supreme  Court  and  Inferior  Courts." 

President — "This  is  the  second  reading  of  the  bill. 
What  will  you  do  with  the  bill?" 

Ellsivorth  of  Connecticut — "Mr.  President,  I  move 
the  bill  be  referred  to  the  Judiciary  Committee."  (It 
is  seconded  and  carried.) 

President — "The  next  order  of  business  is,  Bills  on 
Third  Reading.  The  Secretary  will  report." 

Secretary — "An  act  entitled,  An  Act  to  Enable  the 
State  of  Vermont  to  enter  the  Union." 

President — "The  Secretary  will  read  the  bill  in 
full." 

Secretary  (reads) — "An  act  entitled,  An  Act  to 
Enable  the  State  of  Vermont  to  Enter  the  Union. 

"Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress 
assembled : 

"That  the  State  of  Vermont,  having  provided  for  a 
republican  form  of  government  to  conform  to  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  is  entitled  to  admission 
into  the  United  States  Union.  It  is  provided  that  the 
boundary  of  said  State  of  Vermont  shall  be  as  follows : 
On  the  North,  by  Canada ;  on  the  East,  by  New  Hamp 
shire  ;  on  the  South,  by  Massachusetts ;  on  the  West,  by 
New  York."  (The  above  is  a  suggestive  form,  of 
course  not  the  exact  text.) 

President — "What  will  you  do  with  the  bill?" 

John  Langdon — "I  move  the  bill  be  put  on  its  pas- 


36  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

sage."    It  is  seconded  and  carried. 

President — "The  Secretary  will  call  the  roll  and  the 
Senators  in  favor  of  the  passage  of  the  bill  will,  when 
their  names  are  called,  say  'Aye' ;  the  Senators  opposed 
to  its  passage  will,  when  their  names  are  called,  say 
'No/  The  Secretary  will  now  call  the  roll." 

Secretary  (calls  the  roll  of  states  in  alphabetical 
order)  — 

Connecticut — Mr.  Ellsworth  and  Wm.  Johnson. 

Delaware — James  Dickenson  and  Richard  Bissett. 

Georgia — William  Few. 

Maryland — Daniel  Carroll. 

Massachusetts — Cabel  Strong. 

New  Hampshire — John   Langdon. 

New  Jersey — Wm.  Patterson. 

New  York — Rufus  King  and  G.  Morris. 

Pennsylvania — Robert  Morris. 

South  Carolina — Pierce  Butler  and  C.  C.  Pinckney. 

Virginia — Richard  Henry  Lee  and  Wm.  Greyson. 

(North  Carolina  and  Rhode  Island  were  not  in  the  Union 

at  this  time.  After  counting  the  Secretary  announces  the  bill 
has  passed.) 

President — "The  bill  has  received  a  majority  of 

votes  cast  and  has  passed  the  Senate.  It  has  already 
passed  the  House.  It  will  now  be  engrossed  and  will 
then  be  sent  to  the  President  and  if  he  signs  it  then 
it  will  become  a  law." 

Door  Keeper — "Mr.  President:  The  members  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  await  at  the  door." 

President — "Admit  them."  (They  are  admitted. 
The  Senators  rise  and  stand  while  the  Representatives 
enter  and  sit  all  together  on  right  side.) 

Door  Keeper — "Mr.  President:  The  President  of 
the  United  States  awaits." 

President— "Admit  him."     (The  President  of  the 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  37 

United  States  enters  and  is  offered  the  President's 
chair.    He  takes  it.) 

President — "Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives :  The  oath  of  office  will  first  be  admin 
istered  to  the  President  on  the  balcony  of  the  building 
where  Chancellor  Livingston  of  New  York  will  admin 
ister  the  oath."  (All  march  out.  The  President  and 
party  first,  through  center;  the  Senators  through  left, 
and  Representatives  through  right  door.  The  Secre 
tary,  Charles  Otis,  holds  the  Bible  on  a  cushion.  George 
Washington  stands  with  his  hand  on  the  Bible.  (This 
scene  may  be  given  in  one  of  the  boxes  of  a  theatre.) 

Chancellor  Livingston — "Mr.  President,  you  will 
repeat  this  oath  aloud:  'I  do  solemnly  swear  that  I 
will  faithfully  execute  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  pre 
serve,  protect  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.' '  (The  President  does  so  and  then  kisses  the 
book.) 

Chancellor  (shouts) — "Long  live  George  Washing 
ton,  President  of  the  United  States !"  (All  the  people 
repeating  same  words  several  times.) 

All  shout  the  words  of  the  poem,  "Shout  for  joy,"  etc.,  then 
all  return  to  the  Senate  Chamber  in  same  order  as  they  went 
out. 

President — "Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives,  the  President  will  now  address  you." 

President  Washington — "Fellow-citizens  of  the  Sen 
ate  and  House  of  Representatives : 

"Among  the  vicissitudes  incident  to  life,  no  event 
could  have  filled  me  with  greater  anxieties  than  to  be 
summoned  by  my  country  to  the  trust  which  she  now 
calls  me. 

"The  magnitude  and  difficulty  of  this  momentous 
task  is  sufficient  to  awaken  a  distrustful  scrutiny  into 
the  qualifications  of  one  who,  inheriting  inferior  en- 


38  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

dpwments  from  nature,  and  unpracticed  in  duties  of 
civil  administration,  is  peculiarly  conscious  of  his  own 
deficiencies.  Such  being  the  impression  under  which 
I  have  answered  this  summons,  it  would  be  improper  to 
omit  in  this  first  official  act  my  fervent  supplication  to 
that  Almighty  Being  who  rules  over  the  universe,  who 
presides  in  the  councils  of  the  nations,  and  whose  provi 
dential  aids  can  supply  every  human  defect,  that  His 
benedictions  may  consecrate  to  the  liberties  and  happi 
ness  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  a  government 
instituted  by  themselves,  for  these  essential  purposes, 
and  that  His  Providence  may  enable  this  administra 
tion  to  execute  with  success  the  functions  allotted  to 
its  charge. 

"No  people  can  be  bound  to  acknowledge  and  adore 
the  Invisible  Hand  which  conducts  the  affairs  of  men 
more  than  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Every  step 
of  which  they  have  advanced  to  the  character  of  an 
independent  nation  seems  to  have  been  distinguished 
by  some  token  of  Providential  agency. 

"The  Constitution  makes  it  the  duty  of  the  Presi 
dent  'to  recommend  to  your  consideration  such  meas 
ures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient/  I 
will  not  at  this  time  enter  into  that  subject  further 
than  to  refer  you  to  the  great  constitutional  charter 
itself  under  which  we  are  assembled.  In  your  talent, 
rectitude,  and  patriotism  I  behold  the  surest  pledges 
that  the  foundations  of  our  national  policy  will  be  laid 
in  the  purest  principles  of  private  morality;  and  the 
pre-eminence  of  a  free  government  be  exemplified  by 
all  the  attributes  which  can  win  the  affections  of  its 
citizens  and  command  the  respect  of  the  world. 

"There  is  no  truth  more  thoroughly  established  than 
that  there  exists  in  the  economy  and  course  of  nature 
and  indissoluble  union  between  virtue  and  happiness — 
between  duty  and  advantage — between  the  maxims  of 
an  honest  policy  and  the  rewards  of  public  prosperity, 
we  are  no  less  persuaded  that  the  smiles  of  heaven  can 
never  be  expected  of  a  nation  that  disregards  the  eter- 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  39 

nal  rules  of  order  and  right  which  heaven  itself  has 
ordained,  and  we  are  certain  that  the  preservation  of 
the  sacred  fire  of  liberty  and  the  destiny  of  the  republi 
can  model  of  government  are  intrusted  to  the  American 
people. 

"I  have  one  observation  to  add.  It  concerns  my 
self  and  will  therefore  be  brief.  When  I  first  entered 
the  service  of  my  country  I  renounced  every  pecuniary 
compensation  during  my  continuance  in  office.  From 
this  resolution  I  shall  not  depart.  I  therefore  decline 
any  compensation  or  personal  emolument  while  in  this 
office;  and  ask  that  the  pecuniary  estimates  for  this 
station  in  which  I  am  placed  be  limited  to  such  expendi 
tures  as  the  public  good  may  require. 

"I  shall  take  my  present  leave  but  not  without  re 
sorting  once  more  to  the  benign  Parent  of  the  human 
race,  in  humble  supplication  that  His  Divine  blessing 
may  be  equally  conspicuous  in  the  temperate  consulta 
tions  and  the  wise  measures  on  which  the  success  of 
this  government  must  depend." 

(End  of  Scene  I.    Curtain.) 
ACT  III.     SCENE  2 

President  of  the  United  States George  Washington 

Secretary  of  State Thomas  Jefferson 

Secretary  of  the   Treasury Alexander  Hamilton 

Attorney  General    Edmund   Randolph 

Secretary  of  War Henry  Knox 

Seated  at  a  table  with  George  Washington  at  the  head  and 
Thomas  Jefferson  on  his  right  with  Edmund  Randolph  next  to 
him,  the  Cabinet  is  called  to  order  and  the  President  states  the 
order  of  business. 

President — "Gentlemen  of  this  Cabinet,  I  wish  to 
submit  to  you  for  counsel  and  advice  several  important 
matters,  among  them  are  the  following : 

1.  The  Joint  Resolution  concerning  the  title  of  the  Pres 
ident. 

2.  The  Excise  law. 


40  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

3.  The  location  of  the  Capitol. 

4.  Mr.  Hamilton's  financial  scheme.     The  Assumption  act. 

5.  The  Protective  Tariff  bill. 

6.  The  National  Bank  bill. 

7.  The  Slavery  question. 

"It  will  be  observed  that  every  one  of  these  ques 
tions  and  laws  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  divides  the 
country  into  sections — North  and  South. 

"Mr.  Jefferson,  what  advise  will  you  give  on  the 
first  matter  as  to  the  title  of  the  President?  The  Sen 
ate  favored,  'His  High  Mightiness,  the  President  of 
the  United  States  and  Protector  of  their  Liberties.' 
The  House  favored  the  one  which  they  passed  by  a 
joint  resolution  and  with  which  the  Senate  finally  con 
curred.  Shall  I  approve  this  resolution?  I  will  ask 
your  advise." 

Mr.  Jefferson — "Mr.  President,  I  hope  that  the 
terms,  'Excellency,  Honor,  Worship,  Esquire,  Majesty 
and  even  Mister  shall  forever  disappear  from  among 
us.  I  favor  the  title  proposed  by  the  House." 

President — "Mr.  Hamilton,  what  is  your  advice?" 

Mr.  Hamilton — "Mr.  President,  I  would  have  fav 
ored  the  title  proposed  by  the  Senate  or  at  least  the 
former  part  of  it,  'His  High  Mightiness,  but  President 
of  the  United  States'  will  be  satisfactory." 

President — "I  also  favored  a  more  imposing  title, 
but  will  ask  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Knox  and  Mr.  Ran 
dolph." 

Mr.  Knox — "Mr.  President,  I  would  favor  Mr.  Ham 
ilton's  idea." 

President — "What  is  your  advise,  Mr.  Randolph?" 

Mr.  Randolph — "Mr.  President,  I  favor  the  Resolu 
tion  as  it  passed." 

President — "I  will  approve  the  Resolution  as  it 
passed  both  houses.  The  next  question  is  concerning 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBUC  41 

the  Excise  Law,  a  tax  on  whiskey." 

Mr.  Jefferson — "Mr.  President,  I  oppose  this  law  as 
an  unwarranted  exercise  of  the  federal  taxing  power ; 
the  Southern  States  will  oppose  and  probably  nullify 
it." 

Mr.  Hamilton— "I  favor  the  law,  for  besides  giving 
us  a  needful  revenue,  a  tax  on  whiskey  will  discourage 
the  extensive  consumption  of  an  article  which  many 
believe  to  be  the  source  of  great  moral  and  physical 
evil  to  the  country.  I  am  certain  that  King  Alcohol 
will  be  the  first  great  enemy  that  will  assault  the  life 
of  the  nation.  A  greater  enemy  than  any  foreign  force 
that  will  ever  attack  or  threaten  us.  I  would  impose  a 
heavy  tax  upon  it  with  the  hope  of  utterly  destroy 
ing  it." 

Mr.  Knox—"Mr.  President,  I  agree  with  Mr.  Ham 
ilton." 

Mr.  Randolph — "Mr.  President,  I  agree  with  Mr. 
Jefferson." 

President— 'I  shall  sign  the  bill  and  it  will  become 
a  law.  Now  let  us  consider  the  location  of  the  capital : 
somewhere  in  the  North,  as  at  New  York  or  Philadel 
phia,  or  somewhere  in  the  South  on  the  Potomic 
River." 

Mr.  Hamilton — "Mr.  President,  I  am  aware  that 
Mr.  Jefferson  favors  taking  the  capital  to  a  Southern 
State.  I  am  also  aware  that  the  South  is  opposed  to 
my  financial  plan  set  forth  in  the  Assumption  Act.  Mr. 
President,  we  find  our  country  in  a  state  of  bankruptcy, 
a  financial  wreck,  with  a  foreign  debt  of  about 
$12,000,000,  a  domestic  debt  of  about  $40,000,000,  and 
the  several  states'  debt  of  about  $25,000,000,  making 
in  all  about  $77,000,000.  Now  all  agree  that  we  shall 
pay  the  foreign  debt  and  a  majority  agree  that  we 
shall  pay  the  domestic  debts ;  but  to  assume  the  several 
States'  debt,  the  vote  in  the  House  was  against  it  by 
two  majority. 


42  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

"I  believe  that  all  these  debts  should  be  paid,  dollar 
for  dollar.  The  government  borrowed  the  money  and 
honesty  requires  that  the  government  should  not  repu 
diate  its  debts.  'Honesty  is  the  best  policy'  is  as  good  a 
maxim  for  the  nation  as  for  the  individual.  Besides, 
when  a  nation  assumes  a  war  debt  of  each  and  every 
state,  we  get  a  policy  that  will  cement  the  Union  into 
a  nation.  My  plan  is  to  provide  the  greatest  financial 
scheme  the  world  has  ever  known,  and  cementing  the 
union  of  states  into  a  nation  so  that  the  United  States 
of  America  shall  be  known  as  the  greatest  nation  on 
the  globe.  By  this  system,  like  Moses  in  the  wilder 
ness,  I  shall  'strike  the  rock  of  national  resources  and 
abundant  streams  of  revenue  shall  gush  forth' ;  I  shall 
'touch  the  dead  corpse  of  public  credit  and  it  will 
spring  to  its  feet/  But  you  of  the  South  oppose  this 
measure.  The  Northern  States  went  into  a  greater 
debt  for  the  Revolution  than  the  Southern  States  and 
this  scheme  seems  to  help  the  North  more  than  the 
South.  Now,  Mr.  Jefferson,  I  will  agree  to  use  my 
influence  in  securing  votes  to  locate  the  capital  in  the 
South,  if  you  will  use  your  influence  in  getting  votes  to 
carry  my  Assumption  Act  and  make  it  a  law  upon  the 
President's  signing  it." 

Mr.  Jefferson — "I  will  agree  to  do  that."  They 
shake  hands  over  the  table.  (This  scene  actually  took 
place  at  a  dinner  given  by  Jefferson  at  his  home  in 
Washington.) 

President — "By  this  agreement,  if  carried  out  in 
good  faith,  the  capital  will  be  located  somewhere  on 
the  Potomic  River  and  the  Assumption  Act  will  become 
a  law  for  I  will  sign  it  and  that  will  establish  our  credit 
and  financial  system  upon  the  rock  of  good  faith  and 
for  which,  Mr.  Hamilton,  the  Republic  will  owe  you  a 
debt  of  perpetual  gratitude,  and  your  name  will  go 
down  in  history  as  the  greatest  organizer  and  con 
structive  mind  of  this  epoch  for  having  established 
upon  a  firm  basis  the  true  principles  of  free  govern 
ment." 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  43 

President — "We  will  next  consider  the  National 
Bank  Bill.  Mr.  Jefferson,  I  will  be  pleased  to  hear 
from  you  on  that  bill." 

Jefferson — "Mr.  President,  I  am  opposed  to  the  law 
providing  for  a  National  Bank.  There  is  nothing  in 
the  Constitution  clearly  expressed  that  would  give  Con 
gress  a  right  to  take  that  power  from  the  states.  The 
states  would  have  the  right  to  ignore  the  act  as  uncon 
stitutional." 

Hamilton — "Congress  has  power  to  do  anything 
which  is  necessary  and  proper  to  carry  into  effect  any 
power  expressly  given  it  by  the  Constitution.  But  the 
right  to  establish  a  National  Bank  is  as  clearly  implied 
as  if  given  as  one  of  its  expressed  powers." 

Jefferson — "It  was  not  the  intention  of  the  framers 
of  the  Consttitution  that  Congress  should  have  the 
power  to  take  from  the  states  any  right  not  expressly 
delegated  to  it.  No  power  can  be  taken  from  the  states 
by  mere  implication.  All  powers  of  Congress  touching 
the  rights  of  the  states  must  be  strictly  confined  to 
those  only  expressed  in  the  Constitution." 

Hamilton — "The  Constitution  under  so  strict  an 
interpretation  as  that  would  be  a  lifeless  legal  docu 
ment,  and  nothing  more;  a  bone  for  dogs  to  quarrel 
over  and  not  a  rod  to  govern  with.  If  nothing  can  be 
done  which  is  not  expressed  in  the  Constitution,  then 
that  Constitution  can  never  fit  the  uses  of  a  great  and 
developing  state.  It  is  necessary  to  look  at  its  great 
intention  and  to  judge  it  to  be  the  possessor  of  all  the 
powers  implied  in  that  intention.  Your  doctrine  of 
state  rights  will  lead  you  to  nullify  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  and  secede  from  the  Union.  My  doc 
trine  is  that  the  Constitution  once  established  is  irre 
vocable,  and  this  government  cannot  be  overthrown 
only  by  a  successful  revolution." 

Jefferson — "Your  National  Bank  will  foster  a  mon 
eyed  aristocracy  and  we  shall  oppose  it  as  by  a  strict 
construction  it  is  unconstitutional,  for  a  loose  construe- 


44  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

tion  will  enable  a  special  rich-privilege  class  to  secure 
whatever  powers  they  wish,  especially  laws  that  will 
please  the  rich,  enlist  the  rich,  and  additionally  enrich 
the  rich.  Such  a  strong  government  will  override  the 
rights  of  the  states.  A  political  party  advocating  such 
doctrines  will  create  a  plutocracy.  This  European 
tendency  must  be  checked  if  the  monarchial  spirit  is 
to  be  kept  out,  and  I  shall  organize  an  opposition  which 
will  be  known  henceforth  as  the  Republican  party  and 
we  will  by  that  party  make  masterly  efforts  to  evolve  a 
higher  and  better  system  of  government  than  Europe 
has  ever  known." 

Hamilton — "In  establishing  a  National  Bank,  it  is 
true  we  shall  use  a  moneyed  class  to  the  end  that  the 
nation's  new  government  may  be  strengthened,  but  I 
am  not  concerned  with  a  class  but  with  a  nation.  If  it 
is  necessary  to  use  a  class  to  accomplish  a  valid  purpose 
I  will  do  it.  My  object  will  always  be  the  supremacy  of 
the  nation  at  the  expense  of  the  class  within  the  nation. 
To  me  government  is  a  means,  never  an  end.  I  believe 
in  inspiring  the  growth  of  a  government  that  will  be 
the  strongest  on  earth.  I  am  a  Federalist,  and  favor  a 
strong  central  government,  with  a  corresponding  di 
minishing  of  the  authority  of  the  states.  I  am  not  a 
monarchist  when  I  say  the  government  of  England  is 
the  best  form  on  earth,  but  I  would  use  it  only  as  a 
model,  not  to  copy,  but  to  imitate.  It  is  the  only  gov 
ernment  in  the  world  which  unites  public  strength 
with  individual  security.  The  people  will  not  brook 
a  monarchy,  only  a  republic  can  be  founded  in  Amer 
ica.  But  I  would  unite  and  cement  the  states  into  a 
union  and  form  a  nation." 

Jefferson — "Your  admiration  for  the  English  gov 
ernment  tends  to  ward  a  monarchy  and  your  National 
Bank  will  foster  a  moneyed  aristocracy.  I  hate  aristoc 
racy  because  it  means  tyranny  and  oppression  and  it 
is  in  opposition  to  the  principles  of  liberty  and  equality. 
I  would  found  a  government  on  the  broad  theory  of 
political  equality  and  equal  rights  of  all  men.  A  rep 
resentative  government  based  on  universal  suffrage. 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  45 

'That  government  is  best  that  governs  least/  There 
fore,  I  am  a  Republican — a  Democrat — and  favor  local 
self-government  and  state  supremacy,  for  I  believe  the 
people  are  capable  of  governing  themselves." 

Hamilton — "I  have  little  faith  in  the  people's  abil 
ity  to  govern  themselves,  therefore  I  am  in  favor  of 
a  strong  central  government  with  concentration  of 
power  in  the  hands  of  those  especially  fitted  and  set 
apart  to  govern.  Therefore  the  great  danger  of  the 
federal  government  lies  with  the  states.  I  fear  dem 
ocracy  because  it  may  lead,  as  it  has  done  in  all  his 
tory,  to  anarchy  and  ultimate  despotism.  From  the 
beginning  of  governments  among  men  in  all  time  down 
to  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  I  use  his 
tory  and  experience  from  which  to  draw  my  conclu 
sions.  I  challenge  any  man  to  point  to  one  republic 
worthy  of  the  name  existing  today,  this  year  of  our 
Lord  1789.  The  crushed  and  dismembered  common 
wealths  of  the  past  show  a  republican  form  of  govern 
ment  at  once  most  difficult  and  most  dangerous  and  our 
own  Confederacy  confirm  this  fact. 

"The  people  are  not  infallible.  'The  people  can  do 
no  wrong/  is  as  fallacious  as  The  king  can  do  no 
wrong/  'Crucify  him!  Crucify  him!'  cried  the  people 
when  Christ  was  before  Pilot.  Vox  populi  est  non  vox 
Dei.  The  voice  of  the  people  is  not  the  voice  of  God. 
A  wreckless  democracy  is  the  most  terrible  of  despot 
isms.  If  we  incline  too  much  toward  democracy  we 
shall  shoot  into  monarchy. 

"But  with  our  Senate  to  check  the  unstable  and  pas 
sion-vacillating  tendency  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  and  a  strong  executive,  and  by  giving  the  Consti 
tution  a  liberal  construction,  we  will  have  a  national 
government  with  a  strong  soul  and  strong  organs  by 
which  that  soul  operates.  Safety  as  well  as  liberty  are 
the  true  objects  of  government." 

Jefferson — "I  fear  you  cannot  establish  a  democ 
racy,  a  government  of  the  people  by  going  about  it  in 
that  way.  I  believe  in  the  people,  I  am  willing  to  trust 


*6  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

the  people,  I  am  pleased  to  be  called  the  man  of  the 
people.  Why  can  not  man  be  trusted  with  the  govern 
ment  of  himself?  If  he  can  not,  then  how  can  he  be 
trusted  with  the  government  of  others?  Have  we 
found  angels  in  the  form  of  kings  to  govern  us?  Let 
history  answer  that  question. 

"I  am  not  an  anarchist  only  in  the  position  that  the 
lowest  have  equal  rights  with  the  highest.  I  have  high 
estimate  of  the  capacity  of  the  American  people  for 
self-government.  I  have  a  high  opinion  of  the  wisdom 
and  stability  of  our  democracy.  I  believe  we  have  now 
established  a  republic  that  already  is  the  strongest  on 
earth."  (This  scene  may  close  here.) 

Hamilton — "I  believe  that  men  are  devoted  also 
to  their  ideals,  laws,  religion  and  institutions,  the  sum 
total  of  which  make  up  their  civilization.  I  believe  that 
the  individual  is  strong  because  of  the  power  of  the 
nation  and  that  the  nation  is  strong  because  of  the  de 
votion  of  the  individual. 

"I  am  a  Federalist,  a  Nationalist,  who  believes  that 
deeper  than  his  loyalty  to  his  class  or  his  state,  is  his 
loyalty  to  his  nation  and  the  national  ideals  under 
which  he  lives. 

"I  believe  in  the  idea  that  the  nation  is  something 
more  than  the  sum  of  the  individual  states  composing 
it.  It  is  something  more  than  only  the  all-of-us.  Both 
past  and  present  conditions  show  that  mankind  does 
regard  the  state  as  more  than  all  of  us.  The  nation 
represents  to  most  of  us  something  more  noble  than  a 
mere  convenience;  a  nation  is  greater  than  the  sum 
of  its  subjects.  One  of  the  duties  of  every  cititzen  is 
the  well-being  of  the  state. 

"We  have  this  day  laid  down  the  principles  that 
will  grow  into  two  great  political  parties  in  this  coun 
try.  The  one  will  advocate  the  doctrine  of  State 
Rights;  a  strict  construction  of  the  interpretation  of 
the  Constitution;  will  oppose  the  doctrine  of  Protec 
tion  ;  tend  to  diminish  the  powers  of  the  executive  de 
partment  and  the  powers  of  the  Senate,  and  at  the 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  47 

same  time  increase  the  powers  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives. 

"The  other,  the  Federal  party,  will  be  the  National 
party,  and  will  be  strong  for  the  preservation  of  the 
Union  in  order  that  the  states  may  be  protected  by  it. 
It  will  favor  a  liberal  construction  of  the  Constitution 
with  the  doctrine  of  Implied  Powers  delegated  to  Con 
gress.  It  will  advocate  a  protective  tariff  system  and 
will  seek  to  preserve  the  dignity  of  the  United  States 
Senate  to  serve  as  a  check  upon  the  over-hasty  tend 
ency  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  will  seek 
to  preserve  and  maintain  a  strong  central  government 
as  the  best  means  of  guaranteeing  to  its  subjects  the 
fullest  possible  freedom  and  protection. 

"And  now,  Mr.  Jefferson,  you  are  a  Demorcratic- 
Republican.  I  am  a  National  Federalist.  You  would  see 
to  it  that  the  states  are  protected  in  their  rights.  I 
would  see  to  it  that  the  Union  is  preserved  in  order  that 
your  states  may  be  protected  by  it  and  for  such  pro 
tection  they  will  be  loyal  to  the  Union.  You  are  strong 
for  state  independence  and  jealous  for  the  greatest 
freedom  of  the  people.  I  am  strong  for  the  national 
Union  which  will  protect  and  guarantee  the  greatest 
freedom. 

"You,  Mr.  Jefferson,  are  proud  of  the  fact  that  you 
are  a  citizen  of  Virginia.  With  equal  pride  I  assert 
that  I  am  a  citizen  of  New  York.  But  it  is  with  far 
greater  pride  that  we  can  say  we  are  citizens  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  the  noblest  republic  on 
earth.  (A  good  speaker,  well  trained  in  elocution,  will 
be  able  to  give  all  the  above  and  hold  the  interest,  but 
a  shorter  version  may  easily  be  arranged. 

Scene  3.  The  Great  French  Ball.  Washington  at 
tended  and  took  a  part  in  the  dance.  All  the  French 
appearing  were  gaily  dressed  in  French  costume  and 
all  others  in  Continental  costumes. 

Scene  4.  Stage  set  for  two  scenes  from  the  old  play, 
"Rip  Van  Winkle/'  in  costumes  of  the  period. 


ACT  IV 

THE  EVOLUTION  OF  THE  FLAG 

Scene  1.  The  thirteen  original  States  by  their  representa 
tives  are  arranged  on  the  stage  with  reference  to  the  struggle 
between  the  Slave  and  Free  States.  The  Slave  States  on  the  right 
and  the  Free  States  on  the  left. 

North  Carolina  (12),  Nov.  21,  1789;  Verginia  (10),  July 
26,  1788;  South  Carolina  (8),  June  23,  1788;  Maryland  (7), 
May  28,  1788;  Georgia  (4),  Jan.  2,  1788;  Delaware  (1),  Dec. 
6,  1787. 

New  York  (11),  July  26,  1788;  New  Hampshire  (9),  June 
21,  1788;  Massachusetts  (6),  Feb.  6,  1788;  Connecticut  (5), 
Jan.  9,  1788;  New  Jersey  (3),  Dec.  18,  1787;  Pennsylvania  (2), 
Dec.  12,  1790;  Rhode  Island  (13),  May  29,  1790. 

Columbia,  with  flags  for  the  States  as  they  enter  the  Union 
stands  on  a  platform  near  the  center,  back,  near  the  entrance. 
Uncle  Sam  stands  L.  upper  entrance  and  announces  each  State, 
as  it  asks  for  admission  into  the  Union. 

Uncle  Sam — "Columbia,  Vermont  asks  admission 
into  the  Union." 

Columbia — "Admit  her." 

The  representative  of  Vermont  enters,  kneels  to  Columbia, 
who  offers  her  a  flag  with  14  stars  and  14  stripes  upon  it. 
Vermont  takes  it,  marches  down  center  of  stage  and  repeats: 

"I  am  the  State  of  Vermont.  The  Green  Mountain 
State.  I  am  bounded  (bound  the  state).  My  birthday 
is  March  4,  1791  (date  of  admission). 

Vermont  marches  round  to  left  and  stands  just  behind 
New  York. 

The  next  State  to  enter  is  Kentucky  and  follows  the  same 
routine  bounding  the  State,  giving  its  birth  date  (admission) 


THK  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  49 

and  introducing  Henry  Clay  as  one  of  her  distinguished  citizens 
and  statesmen.  The  same,  or  another  person,  may  deliver  Henry 
Clay's  speech  at  this  time,  of  which  the  following  is  a  cut  ver- 


HENRY  CLAY'S  SPEECH 

(Compromise  of  1850.) 

"Let.  us  look  to  our  country  to  our  cause,  elevate 
ourselves  to  the  dignity  of  pure  and  disinterested  patri 
ots,  and  save  our  country  from  all  impending  dangers. 
What  if,  in  the  march  of  this  nation  to  greatness  and 
power  we  should  be  buried  beneath  the  wheels  that  pro 
pel  it  onward.  What  are  we — what  is  any  man — worth 
who  is  not  ready  and  willing  to  sacrafice  himself  for 
the  benefit  of  the  country  when  it  is  necessary? 

"Will  we  ever  consent  that  any  foreign  flag  shall 
ever  float  upon  the  turrets  of  the  Crescent  City — 
Never !  Never ! 

"I  call  upon  all  the  South.  If  Kentucky  tomorrow 
unfurls  the  banner  of  resistance  unjustly.  I  never 
will  fight  under  that  banner.  I  owe  a  paramount 
allegience,  to  the  whole  Union — when  it  has  a  cause 
for  resistance — when  tyranny  and  wrong  and  oppres 
sion  insufferable  arise :  I  will  then  share  her  fortunes, 
but  if  she  summons  me  to  the  battlefield  or  to  support  in 
any  cause  which  is  unjust,  against  the  Union,  never, 
NEVER  will  I  engage  with  her  such  cause. 

When  the  State  of  Louisiana  is  admitted,  with  her  18  stars 
and  18  stripes  (1812)  the  year  The  Star-Spangled  Banner  was 
written,  all  on  stage  stand  and  sing  it. 

When  Missouri  is  admitted  John  C.  Calhoun  may  be  intro 
duced  and  his  Senate  speech  delivered. 

When  California  is  admitted,  "I  Love  You  California,"  may 
be  sung  and  "Daniel  Webster"  introduced  to  deliver  the  famous 
peroration  of  the  Hayne-Webster  debate  in  the  United  States 
Senate  (1850),  a  cut  version  of  which  follows: 


50  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

WEBSTER'S  GREATEST  PERORATION 

"While  the  Union  lasts,  we  have  high,  exciting, 
gratifying  prospects  spread  out  before  us,  for  us  and 
our  children. 

"Beyond  that  I  seek  not  to  penetrate  the  veil.  God 
grant  that  in  my  day  at  least,  that  curtain  may  not  rise. 

"When  my  eyes  shall  be  turned  to  behold  for  the 
last  time  the  sun  in  heaven,  may  I  not  see  him  shining 
on  the  broken  and  dishonored  fragments  of  a  once  glor 
ious  Union  ...  on  a  land  drenched,  it  may  be, 
with  fraternal  blood. 

"Let  their  last  feeble  and  lingering  glance  rather 
behold  the  gorgeous  ensign  of  the  Republic,  known 
and  honored  throughout  the  earth.  .  .  .  Not  a 
stripe  erased  or  poluted,  not  a  single  star  obscured, 
bearing  on  its  motto  ...  no  such  words  of  delu 
sion  and  folly,  'Liberty  first  and  Union  afterwards,  but 
everywhere  spread  all  over  in  characters  of  living  light 
as  it  floats  over  the  sea  and  over  the  land  .  .  .  that 
other  sentiment  dear  to  every  true  American  heart. 
.  .  .  LIBERTY  and  UNION,  NOW  and  FOREVER 
ONE  AND  INSEPARABLE!" 

Here  as  the  tide  for  Freedom  is  overwhelming  and 
victory  for  Liberty  and  Union  is  assured. 

(The  curtain  falls) 
ACT  IV.     SCENE  2 

Scene  2.     Independence  Hall,  Philadelphia. 
Abraham   Lincoln's   speech. 
Time:   February  22,  1861. 

The  flag:  Kansas  flag  with  34  stars  and  13  stripes.  Raised 
by  Lincoln  after  a  short  address. 

THE  ADDRESS 

"Fellow-citizens,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  I  am 
invited  and  called  before  you  to  participate  in  raising 
above  Independence  Hall,  the  flag  of  our  country  with 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  51 

an  additional  star  upon  it.  When  the  flag  was  origin 
ally  raised  here  it  had  but  thirteen  stars  .  .  .  under 
the  blessing  of  God  each  additional  star  has  given  addi 
tional  prosperity  and  happiness  to  this  country  until 
it  has  advanced  to  its  present  condition ;  and  its  welfare 
in  the  future,  as  well  as  in  the  past,  is  in  your  hands. 
Cultivating  the  spirit  that  animated  our  fathers  who 
gave  renown  and  celebrity  to  this  Hall ;  cherishing  that 
fraternal  feeling  which  has  so  long  characterized  us  as 
a  nation.  I  think  we  may  promise  ourselves  that  not 
only  the  new  star  placed  upon  the  flag  shall  be  per 
mitted  to  remain  there  to  our  permanent  prosperity  for 
years  to  come,  but  additional  ones  shall  from  time  to 
time  be  placed  there  until  we  shall  number,  as  it  was 
anticipated  by  the  great  historian,  five  hundred  mil 
lions  of  happy  and  prosperous  people. 

"With  these  remarks  I  proceed  to  the  very  agree 
able  duty  assigned  to  me."  (Lincoln  raises  the  flag 
to  top  of  pole,  then  proceeds  with  speech  as  follows)  : 

"Fellow-citizens :  I  am  filled  with  deep  emotion  at 
finding  myself  standing  in  this  place,  where  were  col 
lected  together  the  wisdom,  the  patriotism,  the  devo 
tion  to  principle  from  which  sprang  the  institutions 
under  which  we  live.  All  the  political  sentiments  I 
entertain  have  been  drawn  so  far  as  I  have  been  able 
to  draw  them,  from  the  sentiments  which  have  orig 
inated  in  and  were  given  to  the  world  from  this  Hall. 

"I  have  never  had  a  feeling,  politically,  that  did  not 
spring  from  the  sentiments  embodied  in  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence.  I  have  often  pondered  over  the 
dangers  which  were  incurred  by  the  men  who  were 
assembled  here  and  framed  and  adopted  that  Declara 
tion.  I  have  pondered  over  the  toils  that  were  endured 
by  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  army  who  achieved 
that  independence.  I  have  often  inquired  of  myself 
what  great  principal  or  idea  it  was  that  kept  this  con 
federacy  so  long  together. 

"It  was  not  the  mere  matter  of  separation  of  the 
colonies  from  the  motherland,  but  that  sentiment  in 


52  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

the  Declaration  of  Independence  which  gave  liberty 
not  only  to  the  people  of  this  country,  but  hope  to  all 
the  world  for  all  future  time.  It  was  that  which  gave 
promise  that  the  weights  in  due  time  would  be  lifted 
from  the  shoulders  of  all  men,  and  that  all  should  have 
an  equal  chance.  This  is  the  sentiment  embodied  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence. 

"Now,  my  friends,  can  this  country  be  saved  on 
that  basis?  If  it  can  I  will  consider  myself  one  of  the 
happiest  men  in  the  world  if  I  can  save  it.  If  it  cannot 
be  saved  upon  that  principle  it  will  be  truly  awful. 

"But  if  this  country  cannot  be  saved  without  giving 
up  that  principle,  I  was  about  to  say,  I  would  rather 
be  assassinated  on  this  spot  than  surrender  it. 

"Now,  in  my  view  of  the  present  aspect  of  affairs, 
there  is  no  need  of  bloodshed  and  war.  There  is  no 
necessity  for  it.  I  am  not  in  favor  of  such  a  course, 
and  I  may  say  in  advance  that  there  will  be  no  blood 
shed  unless  it  is  forced  upon  the  government.  The 
government  will  not  use  force  unless  force  is  used 
against  it. 

My  friends,  this  is  wholly  an  unprepared  speech. 
I  may,  therefore,  have  said  something  indiscreet  (cries 
of  'NO!  NO!'),  but  I  have  said  nothing  but  what  I  am 
willing  to  live  by,  and,  if  it  be  the  pleasure  of  Almighty 
God,  to  die  by." 

(End  of  scene.    Curtain) 


Scene   3.      Stage   set   to    show    Carpenter's    "The 
Emancipation  Cabinet." 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  THE  FIRST  AMERICAN 
In  the  Emancipation  Cabinet,  Washington,  D.  C. 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  53 

September  22,  1862,  in  the  White  House 

Characters 

President   Abraham  Lincoln 

Secretary  of  State William  H.  Seward  of  New  York 

Secretary  of  Treasury Salmon  P.  Chase  of  Ohio 

Secretary  of  War Edwin  M.  Stanton  of  Ohio 

Secretary  of  the  Navy Gideon  Welles  of  Connecticut 

Secretary  of  Interior Caleb  B.   Smith  of  Indiana 

Attorney  General Edward  Bates  of  Missouri 

Post  Master  General Montgomery  Blair  of  Maryland 

At  rise  of  curtain,  Lincoln  is  seated  at  end  of  table,  right, 
reading  a  copy  of  Artemus  Ward.  Bates  and  Welles  enter  and 
seat  themselves,  Bates  at  the  end  of  the  table  opposite  Lincoln 
and  Welles  at  his  left  elbow.  Seward  and  Chase  enter.  Stanton 
sits  at  right  of  Lincoln.  Seward  in  front  of  table  facing  Lin 
coln;  Chase  stands,  arms  folded  at  right  of  Lincoln  and  be 
tween  Lincoln  and  Stanton.  Blair  and  Smith  come  in  a  little 
late.  Smith  stands  at  left  of  Welles  and  Blair  at  left  of  Smith. 

Lincoln — "Gentlemen,  did  you  ever  read  anything 
from  Artemus  Ward?  (No  one  speaks.)  Let  me  read 
you  a  chapter  that  is  very  funny.  (Reads  from  Arte 
mus  Ward's  Best  Stories,  page  36,  "High-Handed  Out 
rage  at  Utica.") 

Lincoln  reads :  "High-Handed  Outrage  at  Utica." 

"Gentlemen,  why  don't  you  laugh?  With  the  fear 
ful  strain  that  is  upon  me  night  and  day  if  I  do  not 
laugh  I  shall  die,  and  you  need  the  same  medicine  as 
much  as  I  do.  (Pausing  for  a  moment,  then  rising 
and  with  sad,  firm  face  took  out  of  his  silk  hat  on  the 
table  the  draft  of  the  Emancipation  Proclamation. ) 

"Gentlemen,  I  have  called  you  here  upon  very  im 
portant  business.  I  have  said  nothing  to  any  one,  but 
I  have  made  a  promise  to  myself  and  to  my  Maker.  I 
am  now  going  to  fulfill  that  promise.  I  have  here  a 
paper.  (Reads  paper  with  firm  but  low  voice.) 

"<ON  THE  FIRST  DAY  OF  JANUARY  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord,  1863,  all  persons  held  as  then  slaves 
in  any  state  or  part  of  a  state,  the  people  whereof  be 
in  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  shall  be  then 


54  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

thenceforth  and  forever  FREE/  Mr.  Seward,  if  my 
name  ever  gets  into  history  it  will  be  for  this  act,  and 
my  whole  soul  is  in  it.  (Handing  the  paper  to  Mr 
Seward,  the  Secretary  of  State.) 

"I  have  decided  to  issue  to  the  world  a  PROCLA 
MATION  that  will  break  the  shackles  of  bondage  and 
shake  the  foundations  of  civilization." 

(Curtain) 

(Here,  if  a  flag  drill  is  introduced  by  small  children, 
all  Cabinet  Members  rise  while  group  of  states  repre 
senting  the  Free  States  shout)  : 

"Lincoln  has  freed  the  slaves! 

Hurrah !  Hurrah ! 
Clap  your  hands  shout  for  joy ! 

Hurrah !  Hurrah ! 
Lincoln  has  freed  the  slaves!" 

The  group  of  states  representing  the  Slave  States 
stand  menacing  in  glum  silence  for  a  moment,  then 
all  reform  and  fervently  repeat  in  concert: 

"Thy  task  is  done,  the  bond  are  free ! 
We  bear  thee  to  an  honored  grave ! 
Whose  proudest  monument  shall  be 
The  broken  fetters  of  the  slave. 

"Pure  was  thy  life ;  its  bloody  close 
Hath  placed  thee  with  the  sons  of  light 
Among  the  noblest  host  of  those 
Who  perished  in  the  cause  of  right." 


SCENE  4 
LINCOLN  AT  GETTYSBURG 

Scene :    A  temporary  platform  on  the  battlefield  of 
Gettysburg. 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  55 

Time:     November  19,  1864. 

CHARACTERS 

Abraham  Lincoln President  of  the  United  States 

Edwin    M.    Stanton Secretary    of    War 

John  Stevens A  private  in  the  Army;  orderly  of  the  day 

Anne  Marshall A  girl  from  Ohio,  sweetheart  of  Stevens 

Telegraph  messenger  in  Army  uniform,  guards,  etc. 

(Edward  Everett,  orator  of  the  day  has  just  finished  speak 
ing.  After  music  by  band  or  orchestra,  Lincoln  arrives  a  little 
late  and  while  handshaking  the  dialogue  between  John  Stevens 
and  Anne  Marshall  takes  place.  After  the  shouting  has  died 
away  Anne  rushes  on  as  if  to  pass  John,  who  stands  guard.) 

John  (surprised) — "Anne,  what  are  you  doing 
here?" 

Anne — "I  must  see  Secretary  Stanton;  it  is  about 
brother  Will.  They  told  me  Secretary  Stanton  was 
here.  I  must  see  him." 

John — "I  am  afraid  it  is  impossible;  he  is  too  busy 
now  talking  with  President  Lincoln,  who  is  going  to 
make  a  speech  after  the  band  finishes." 

Anne — "But  I  tell  you  I  must  see  Mr.  Stanton,  John, 
if  I  don't  they  will  shoot  my  brother  Will  tomorrow." 

John — "Great  God!  Anne,  they  are  not  going  to 
shoot  Will?" 

Anne — "Yes,  and  I  must  see  Mr.  Stanton,  now;  I 
must !  I  must !  Let  me  go  to  him !" 

John — "Come  with  me.  I  will  speak  to  him.  (Takes 
her  to  Stanton.)  Mr.  Stanton,  here  is  a  young  lady, 
Miss  Anne  Marshall,  who  has  come  all  the  way  from 
Ohio  to  see  you  on  a  matter  of  life  and  death." 

Stanton — "It  is  always  a  matter  of  life  and  death 
these  days.  What  is  it?  Be  brief." 

Anne — "It  is  about  my  brother,  Will.  Sir,  I  have 
come  to  ask  you  to  give  him  a  reprieve." 


56  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

Stanton— "What  has  he  done?" 

Anne — "He  was  on  picket  duty,  sir,  in  the  9th  Ohio 
regiment,  Company  H,  and  he  was  so  tired  that  he  fell 
asleep." 

Stanton— "Asleep  on  picket  duty,  eh?" 

Anne — "Yes,  and  they  have  sentenced  him  to  die." 

Stanton — "That  is  the  usual  penalty." 

Anne — "And  they  will  shoot  him  tomorrow  morn 
ing  at  sunrise  if  you  don't  save  him,  sir." 

Stanton — "I  cannot  interfere,  young  woman.  The 
offense  is  most  serious  and  one  that  is  becoming  alto 
gether  too  frequent  these  days." 

Anne — "But  he  is  my  brother,  sir;  only  a  boy  of 
twenty,  my  brother  Will." 

Stanton — "I'm  sorry,  very  sorry,  young  woman." 
(Takes  papers  from  his  pocket.) 

John — "Pardon  me,  Mr.  Stanton,  but  all  this  young 
lady  says  is  true.  It  occurred  in  my  company,  sir. 
One  night  her  brother  stood  picket  duty  for  a  friend 
who  was  sick,  and  the  very  next  night  he  had  to  go  on 
picket  duty  for  himself,  and  he  was  so  tired  out  with 
the  extra  work  and  having  no  sleep,  that  he  could  not 
keep  awake." 

Anne — "And  he's  only  a  boy,  sir,  younger  than  I — 
my  little  brother." 

Stanton — "I  am  very  sorry,  but  I  cannot  interfere. 
What  is  your  name?" 

Anne — "Anne  Marshall,  sir." 

Stanton — "Your  brother's  name  is  Will  Marshall?" 
(Examines  papers.) 

Anne  (with  hope) — "Yes,  sir." 

Stanton — "Here  is  the  finding  of  the  Court  martial 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  57 

— um — yes,  sentenced  to  be  shot  November  20,  1863." 

Anne — "That  is  tomorrow,  sir;  don't  you  see?" 
(Anxiously.) 

Stanton — "I  have  approved  the  finding  of  the  Court 
Martial." 

Anne — "Then  my  brother  must  die?"  (Almost 
overcome.) 

Stanton — "There  is  no  help  for  it.  Discipline  must 
be  maintained  in  the  army.  (Anne  sobs.)  Take  her 
away,  orderly."  (John  leads  her  to  rear  of  platform. 
Music  stops  and  Stanton  introduces  Lincoln.) 

"Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  President  Lincoln  will 
now  address  you,  briefly." 

Lincoln — "Four  score  and  seven  years  ago,  our 
fathers  brought  forth  on  this  continent  a  new  nation, 
conceived  in  liberty  and  dedicated  to  the  proposition 
that  all  men  are  created  equal.  Now,  \\Q  are  engaged 
in  a  great  civil  war,  testing  whether  that  nation  or  any 
nation  so  conceived  or  so  dedicated  can  long  endure. 

"We  are  met  here  on  a  great  battlefield  of  that  war; 
we  have  come  here  to  dedicate  a  portion  of  that  field  as 
a  final  resting  place  for  those  who  here  gave  their  lives 
that  that  nation  might  live.  It  is  altogether  fitting  and 
proper  that  we  should  do  this.  But  in  a  larger  sense 
w^e  cannot  dedicate — we  cannot  hallow — we  cannot  con 
secrate  this  ground.  The  brave  men,  living  and  dead, 
who  struggled  here  have  consecrated  it  far  beyond 
our  poor  power  to  add  or  detract.  The  world  will  little 
note  nor  long  remember  what  we  say  here,  but  it  will 
never  forget  what  they  did  here.  It  is  for  us,  the  liv 
ing,  rather  to  be  dedicated  to  the  unfinished  work  which 
they  who  fought  here  have  so  far  nobly  advanced;  it 
is  rather  for  us  to  be  here  dedicated  to  the  great  task 
remaining  before  us;  that  from  these  honored  dead 
we  take  increased  devotion  to  that  cause  for  which  they 
gave  the  last  full  measure  of  devotion;  that  we  here 
highly  resolve  that  these  dead  shall  not  have  died  in 


58  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

vain;  that  this  nation  shall,  under  God,  have  a  new 
birth  of  freedom;  and  that  government  of  the  people, 
by  the  people  and  for  the  people  shall  not  perish  from 
the  earth.  Let  us  repeat  here  what  was  said  on  another 
occasion : 

"  Tondly  do  we  hope,  fervently  do  we  pray,  that 
this  mighty  scourge  of  war  shall  speedily  pass  away. 
Yet,  if  God  wills  that  it  shall  continue,  as  it  was  said 
three  thousand  years  ago,  still  let  it  be  said  the  judg 
ments  of  the  Lord  are  true  and  righteous  all  together/ 

"With  malice  toward  none  and  with  charity  for  all ; 
with  firmness  in  the  right  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the 
right  let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  word  we  are  in — until 
victory  shall  crown  our  achievements  with  a  just  and 
lasting  peace  not  for  our  nation  only  but  for  all  the 
nations  of  the  earth."  (After  a  pause,  during  which 
Lincoln  takes  a  drink  from  a  glass  on  the  table,  Anne 
rushes  forward.) 

Anne — "President  Lincoln." 

Lincoln — "Well,  young  lady,  what  can  I  do  for 
you?" 

Anne — "My  brother  Will,  they  are  going  to  shoot 
him  tomorrow  at  sunrise,  Mr.  Lincoln,  my  little 
brother."  (Sobs.) 

Lincoln — "Don't  cry.  What  has  your  brother 
done?" 

Stanton — "Here  is  the  finding  of  the  Court  Martial, 
Mr.  President,  and  I  have  approved  the  sentence." 
(Hands  paper  to  Lincoln.) 

Lincoln — "Go  on,  little  girl ;  tell  me  all  about  it." 

Anne — "Oh,  thank  you !  You  see,  Mr.  Lincoln,  my 
name  is  Anne  Marshall." 

Lincoln — "Anne!"  (Lincoln  reflects.  Anne  Rut- 
ledge  was  his  sweetheart  and  when  she  died  it  nearly 
drove  him  insane.) 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  59 

Anne — "Yes,  sir;  and  my  brother's  name  is  Will 
Marshall.  He's  only  a  boy,  Mr.  Lincoln,  younger  than 
I  am ;  we  grew  up  together  on  a  little  farm  out  in  Ohio, 
Mr.  Lincoln." 

Lincoln — "I  was  raised  on  a  farm  myself."  (With 
sympathy.) 

Anne — "They  put  him  on  picket  duty,  sir,  and  he 
went  to  sleep." 

Lincoln — "It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  a  boy 
raised  on  a  farm,  probably  in  the  habit  of  getting  to 
bed  at  dark,  should  fall  asleep  on  watch." 

Anne — "No,  sir."     (Hopefully.) 

Stanton — "Mr.  President,  there  are  too  many  sol 
diers  going  to  sleep  on  picket  duty  these  days  and  dis 
cipline  must  be  maintained  in  the  army  at  any  cost." 

Lincoln — "I  suppose  you  are  right,  Stanton;  I  sup 
pose  you  are  right." 

Anne — "He's  only  a  boy,  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  he's  been 
fighting  for  his  country  nearly  two  years.  My  father 
wras  killed  at  Chicamagua  and  my  brother  at  Malvern 
Hill.  Will  is  all  we  have  left.  Are  you  going  to  take 
him  from  us,  too?"  (Holds  arms  out  appealing,  and 
John  comes  to  her  aid.) 

John — "I  cannot  stand  this,  Mr.  Lincoln,  Mr.  Sec 
retary.  Her  brother  and  I  went  to  the  same  little  school 
house  together;  he  enlisted  when  you  called  for  volun 
teers  two  years  ago.  We  were  in  the  same  company, 
sir;  one  night  it  was  my  turn  to  go  on  picket  duty;  I 
was  sick  and  could  not  go,  so  Will  Marshall  went  in  my 
place.  The  very  next  night  Will  was  chosen  for  picket 
duty  in  his  own  name,  and  he  had  to  go,  though  he 
had  had  no  sleep  the  night  before.  He  was  so  tired  that 
he  fell  asleep.  They  must  not  shoot  him,  Mr.  Loncoln. 
They  must  not.  Let  them  shoot  me  in  his  place,  for  it 
was  my  fault,  not  his." 


60  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

Lincoln — "Well,  well — who  is  this?" 

John — "John  Stevens,  private,  Company  H,  89th 
Ohio,  sir."  (Saluting.) 

Anne — "My  sweetheart,  Mr.  Lincoln;  we  are  to  be 
married  as  soon  as  this  cruel  war  is  over." 

Lincoln — "God  grant  that  it  may  be  soon." 

Stanton — "This  is  doubtless  very  true,  Mr.  Presi 
dent,  but  there  is  the  finding  of  the  Court  Martial  and 
I  have  approved  it." 

Lincoln  (looks  at  Anne  weeping) — "There  are  al 
ready  too  many  weeping  mothers,  wives  and  sweet 
hearts  in  this  country.  For  God's  sake,  Stanton,  don't 
ask  me  to  add  to  the  number  for  I  won't  do  it." 

Stanton — "Mr.  President,  you  will  destroy  the  dis 
cipline  of  the  army  if  you  pardon  any  more  soldiers 
who  have  been  sentenced  to  be  shot." 

Lincoln — "Stanton,  if  you  go  deep  enough  below  the 
surface  in  any  man,  you  will  find  a  quality  that  is  far 
greater  than  discipline — and  that  is  love,  love  for  your 
fellow-man.  Do  that,  Stanton,  and  you  will  find  a 
conscience  which  tells  you  as  mine  does  that  I  am  right. 
After  a  hard  day's  work,  if  I  can  find  some  excuse  to 
save  some  poor  fellow's  life,  I  can  go  to  bed  happy.  So 
forgive  me,  Stanton,  for  I  am  going  to  pardon  this  boy. 
Give  me  a  pencil."  (Stanton  hesitates.  Lincoln  in 
sists  commandingly.) 

Stanton — "I  think  there  is  a  lack  of  backbone  here 
somewhere." 

Lincoln — "Well,  maybe  so;  but  I  don't  think  that 
shooting  the  boy  will  do  him  any  good ;  besides  I  believe 
the  boy  will  do  us  more  good  above  the  ground  than 
under  it.  Give  me  that  pencil.  (Stanton  hands  him 
pencil  and  Lincoln  sits  and  signs  paper  and  hands  it 
to  Anne.)  Here,  young  lady,  your  brother  is  pardoned. 
The  dispatch  will  be  sent  at  once." 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  61 

Anne — "Thank  you,  thank  you,  Mr.  Lincoln." 
(Kisses  him.) 

Lincoln — "Young  lady,  if  you  had  started  in  that 
way  with  Stanton,  here,  you  never  would  have  had  to 
come  to  me.  (Anne  rushes  into  John's  arms  overcome 
with  joy.)  Stanton,  just  see  how  happy  it  has  made 
those  two  people,  just  signing  my  name,  'A.  Lincoln/ 
to  that  paper." 

Stanton — "But,  Mr.  President,  that  kind  of  work 
will  set  at  naught  authority  and  power  over  the  army 
and " 

Lincoln — "I  may  have  displeased  you,  my  dear  Mr. 
Secretary,  by  this  act  of  clemency,  but  I  believe  in  my 
soul  I  have  done  right.  Stanton,  die  when  I  may,  I 
should  like  to  have  it  said  of  me  that  I  plucked  a  thistle 
and  planted  a  flower  wherever  I  thought  a  flower  would 
grow."  (A  soldier  enters  in  haste  with  a  telegram.) 

Messenger  Boy — "Tfelegram  for  Mr.  Lincoln." 
(Hands  telegram  to  Lincoln  who  opens  and  reads  it 
aloud,  to  Stanton)  : 

Lincoln — "A  telegram  from  General  Sherman,  he 
wires :  'I  am  ready  to  beseige  Atlanta.  When  it  falls 
I  will  march  through  Georgia  to  the  sea.  The  end  of 
the  war  is  in  sight/  '  (Lincoln  hands  telegram  to 
Stanton  and  after  reading  they  all  shake  hands  in  glee 
of  rejoicing  while  the  orchestra  or  band  plays  "March 
ing  Through  Georgia."  After  a  moment  or  two  Lin 
coln  raises  his  hand  to  the  leader  and  after  a  pause  of 
deep  silence  Lincoln  says:  "Now  play  'Dixie/  that's 
ours,  too."  As  Dixie  is  played  the  CURTAIN  FALLS.) 

Second  Curtain 

Vision  of  LINCOLN,  WASHINGTON,  WILSON. 
FINAL  CURTAIN 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

ACT  V 
PRESIDENT  WILSON'S  WORLD-WAR  SPEECH 

(Vice-President  Thomas  Marshal  presiding) 

Mr.  President — "Gentlemen  of  the  Congress,  I  have 
called  the  Congress  into  extraordinary  session  because 
there  are  serious — very  serious — choices  of  policy  to 
be  made,  and  made  immediately. 

"The  extraordinary  announcement  of  the  imperial 
German  government  that  it  was  its  purpose  to  put 
aside  all  restraints  of  law  or  of  humanity  and  use  its 
submarines  to  sink  every  vessel  that  sought  to  approach 
either  the  ports  of  Great  Britain,  the  western  coasts  of 
Europe,  or  any  of  the  ports  of  the  Mediterranean,  was 
such  an  act  that  I  was  for  a  little  while  unable  to 
believe  would  in  fact  be  done  by  any  civilized  nation. 
International  law  had  its  origin  in  the  attempt  to  set 
up  some  law  that  would  be  respected  and  observed  upon 
the  seas  where  lay  the  free  highways  of  the  world. 
By  painful  stage  after  stage  has  that  law  been  built  up, 
with  meager  results,  indeed  .  .  .  but  with  always 
a  clear  view,  at  least,  at  what  the  heart  and  conscience 
of  mankind  demanded. 

"The  German  government  has  swept  aside,  under 
plea  of  retaliation  and  necessity,  all  scruples  of  human 
ity  ...  that  were  supposed  to  underlie  the  inter 
course  of  the  world.  .  .  .  Even  hospital  ships  and 
ships  carrying  relief  to  the  sorely  bereaved  and  stricken 
people  of  Belgium  as  well  as  vessels  of  every  kind, 
whatever  their  flag,  or  character  of  their  cargo,  have 
been  sunk  without  warning. 

"I  am  not  thinking  of  the  loss  of  property  involved. 
.  .  .  Property  can  be  paid  for ;  the  lives  of  peaceful 
and  innocent  people  cannot  be. 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  63 

"The  German  submarine  warfare  is  a  warfare 
against  all  nations.  American  ships  have  been  sunk. 
American  lives  taken  in  ways  that  have  stirred  us  very 
deeply.  But  the  ships  and  peoples  of  other  nations  have 
been  sunk  in  the  same  way.  The  challenge  is  to  all 
mankind.  Each  nation  must  decide  for  itself  how  it 
will  make  it. 

"The  choice  we  make  for  ourselves  must  be  made 
with  moderation.  .  .  .  We  must  put  excited  feel 
ing  away.  Our  motive  must  not  be  revenge  .  .  . 
but  only  the  vindication  of  right,  of  human  right,  of 
which  we  are  only  a  single  champion.  There  is  one 
choice  we  cannot  make,  we  are  incapable  of  making; 
we  will  not  choose  the  path  of  submission  and  suffer 
the  most  sacred  rights  of  our  nation  and  of  our  people 
to  be  ignored  or  violated. 

"With  a  profound  sense  of  the  solemn — tragical 
step  I  am  taking  in  obedience  to  what  I  deem  my  con 
stitutional  duty : 

"I  advise  that  the  Congress  declare  that  the  recent 
course  of  the  imperial  German  government  to  be 
nothing  less  than  war  against  the  government  and 
people  of  the  United  States!  And  that  it  take  imme 
diate  steps  and  employ  all  its  resources  to  bring  the 
government  of  Germany  to  terms  and  end  the  war ! 

"Our  object  is  to  vindicate  the  principle  of  peace 
and  justice  in  the  life  of  the  world  as  against  the  selfish 
and  autocratic  powers  and  set  up  amongst  the  really 
free  and  self-governed  people  of  the  world  such  a  con 
cert  of  purpose  and  of  action  as  will  henceforth  insure 
the  observance  of  those  principles. 

"Self -governed  nations  do  not  fill  their  neighbor 
states  with  spies. 

"A  steadfast  concert  for  peace  can  never  be  main 
tained  except  by  a  partnership  of  democratic  nations. 

"No  autocratic  government  could  be  trusted  to  keep 
faith  within  it  or  observe  its  convenants. 


64  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

"THE  WORLD  MUST  BE  MADE  SAFE  FOR 
DEMOCRACY! 

"Its  peace  must  be  planted  upon  the  tested  founda 
tions  of  political  liberty. 

"We  are  sincere  friends  of  the  German  people.  .  . 
We  have  no  quarrel  with  them.  We  have  no  feelings 
towards  them  but  of  sympathy  and  friendship. 

"It  was  not  upon  their  impulse  that  their  govern 
ment  acted  in  entering  this  war.  It  was  a  war  deter 
mined  as  wars  in  the  old  unhappy  days  when  peoples 
were  nowrhere  consulted  by  their  rulers  and  little 
groups  of  ambitious  men  were  accustomed  to  use  their 
fellow-men  as  pawns  and  tools.  (We  shall  desire  noth 
ing  so  much  as  the  early  re-establishment  of  intimate 
relations  of  mutual  advantages  between  the  German 
people  and  us — however  hard  it  may  be  for  them,  for 
the  time  being,  to  believe  that  this  is  spoken  from  our 
hearts.)  We  have  borne  with  their  government 
through  all  these  bitter  months  because  of  that  friend 
ship — exercising  a  patience  and  forebearance  which 
would  otherwise  have  been  impossible. 

"We  have  no  selfish  ends  to  serve.  We  desire  no 
conquest,  no  dominion.  We  are  but  one  of  the  cham 
pions  of  the  rights  of  mankind.  We  shall  be  satisfied 
when  those  rights  have  been  made  as  secure  as  the 
faith  and  the  freedom  of  nations  make  them. 

"It  is  a  fearful  thing,  gentlemen  of  the  Congress, 
to  lead  this  great  peaceful  people  into  war  (into  the 
most  terrible  of  all  wars,  civilization  itself  seeming  to 
be  in  the  balance) .  But  the  right  is  more  precious  than 
peace  and  we  shall  fight  for  the  things  we  have  always 
carried  nearest  to  our  hearts.  For  DEMOCRACY,  for 
the  rights  of  those  who  submit  to  authority  to  have 
a  voice  in  their  own  government,  for  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  small  nations.  For  a  CONCERT  of  free 
peoples  that  shall  bring  peace  and  safety  to  all  nations 
and  make  the  world  itself  at  last  free. 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  65 

"To  such  a  task  we  can  dedicate  our  lives  and  our 
fortunes,  everything  that  we  are  and  everything  that 
we  have,  with  the  pride  of  those  who  know  that  the  day 
has  come  when  America  is  privileged  to  spend  her 
blood  and  her  might  for  the  principles  that  gave  her 
birth  and  happiness  and  the  peace  which  she  has  treas 
ured.  God  helping  her,  she  can  do  no  other." 


ACT  VI 

SCENE  1. 
(A  large  Hall  in  some  City  of  Europe) 

Delegates  from  all  nations  meet  in  response  to  a 
call  to  consider  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  Nations  of  the  World.) 

SCENE  1. 
The  Peace  Conference,  Paris,  France 

(As  a  Prologue  to  this  act  a  collection  of  gems  and 
choice  maxims  taken  from  several  authors  who  spoke 
and  wrote  prior  to  the  signing  of  the  Armistice  may 
be  given  by  characters  representing  the  several  nations 
in  an  imaginary  convention  supposed  to  have  been 
called  together  for  the  purpose  of  adopting  an  Inter 
national  Constitution  for  the  United  World  Republic.) 

The  President — Gentlemen  of  the  World  Conven 
tion:  We  have  met  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a 
Union  of  Nations  of  the  earth,  whose  object  shall  be 
to  establish  justice  among  all  men  and  above  all  to 
form  such  a  partnership  of  nations  with  such  good  will 
and  intent  of  purpose  that  such  a  calamity  as  the  world 
war  just  ended  shall  never  be  tolerated  again. 

The  first  act  in  the  greatest  tragedy  in  history 
ended  with  victory  for  the  Allies  and  America,  on  the 
battlefield  where  the  blood  of  America,  with  that  of 
the  Allies  has  commingled  and  streamed  to  every  ocean 
of  the  planet.  This  has  given  every  nation  in  this  great 
world  struggle  a  Declaration  of  Independence  written 
in  the  blood  of  its  noblest  citizens. 

This  struggle  has  given  the  participants  even  more 
than  a  Declaration  of  Independence,  it  has  cemented 
them  into  a  Union  of  Confederated  Nations  that  has 
brought  them  up  to  the  point  of  forming  a  more  per- 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  67 

feet  union,  a  fundamental  law  embodied  in  a  written 
constitution  similar  to  that  of  the  United  States  of 
America. 

That  as  the  Allied  Powers  were  organized  and  won 
by  military  force,  the  same  nations  under  such  a  con 
stitution  can  win  self-government  by  following  the 
principles  of  the  Prince  of  Peace.  The  struggle  for  this 
victory  is  now  on  and  must  be  far  advanced  toward 
its  goal  by  the  consummation  of  such  a  union,  which 
shall  be  known  under  a  Written  Constitution  as  the 
UNITED  NATIONS  OF  THE  WORLD. 

As  the  immortal  Washington  said  in  the  conven 
tion  that  drafted  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
of  America:  "Let  us  adopt  a  Constitution  that  will 
stamp  wisdom  and  dignity  on  these  proceedings  and 
hold  up  a  light  which  sooner  or  later  will  have  its  in 
fluence.  Let  us  raise  a  standard  to  which  the  wise  and 
honest  can  repair.  The  event  is  with  God." 

The  Secretary  may  now  call  the  roll  of  Nations. 
(They  may  be  seated  in  groups  as  by  Continents  and 
called  upon  in  that  order,  the  Nations  from  each  Conti 
nent  responding  respectively.) 

The  Secretary: 

THE  CONTINENT  OF  EUROPE 

GREAT  BRITAIN.    1.  ENGLAND 

Let  us  begin  with  the  hearts  of  men.  We  must  see 
peace  brought  about  not  merely  by  agreements  between 
nations,  but  a  change  in  the  hearts  of  men.  The  war 
has  carried  us  down  deep  to  the  bedrock. of  honesty 
and  sincerity.  To  secure  peace  in  the  future  there  must 
be  created  as  a  basis  ...  a  strong,  healthy,  sound 
PUBLIC  OPINION  which  will  see  that  governments 
are  kept  in  order. 

There  must  be  a  passion  born  for  peace  stronger 
than  has  been  the  passion  for  war.  This  war  must  be 
a  creative  power.  .  .  .  This  passion  for  peace  should 


68  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

be  burnt  into  millions  of  minds  and  hearts  that  this 
state  of  affairs  shall  never  be  tolerated  again. — Lord 
Bryce. 

2.  AUSTRALIA 

Men,  my  brothers,  men  the  workers,  ever  reaping  some 
thing  new; 

That  which  they  have  done  but  earnest  of  the  things 
that  they  shall  do 

For  I  dipt  into  the  future,  far  as  human  eye  could  see, 
Saw  the  vision  of  the  world,  and  all  the  wonder  that 
would  be: 

Saw  the  heavens  fill  with  commerce,  argosies  of  magic 
sails, 

Pilots  of  the  purple  twilight,  dropping  down  with 
costly  bales; 

Heard  the  heavens  fill  with  shouting,  and  there  rained 
a  ghastly  dew 

From  the  nations'  airy  navies  grappling  in  the  central 
blue; 

Far  along  the  world-wide  whisper  of  the  south  wind 
rushing  warm, 

With  the  standards  of  the  people  plunging  through  the 
thunder  storm ; 

Till  the  war  drum  throbbed  no  longer,  and  the  battle 
flags  were  furl'd 

In  the  Parliament  of  man,  the  Federation  of  the  world. 

There  the  common  sense  of  most  shall  hold  a  fretful 
realm  in  awe, 

And  the  kindly  earth  shall  slumber,  lapt  in  universal 
law. 

— Alfred  Tennyson  (1842). 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  69 

3.  CANADA  (America) 

Whether  the  time  be  short  or  fast 

Enemies  hand-in-hand 
Must  come  together  at  the  last 

And  understand. 

No  matter  how  the  die  is  cast 

Or  who  may  seem  to  win 
We  know  that  we  must  love  at  last, 

Why  not  begin. 

— Witter  Binner. 

4.  INDIA  (Asia) 

The  hope  of  preserving  peace  permanently,  lies  not 
in  the  direction  of  making  war  physically  impossible; 
but  rather  in  making  it  spiritually  impossible. 

THE  CONTINENT  OF  ASIA 

1.  JAPAN 

The  only  way  to  find  out  what  is  best  in  a  man  is  to 
treat  him  as  your  equal.  Democracy  is  a  better  road 
to  progress  than  exclusiveness. — /.  H.  Tufts. 

2.  CHINA 

The  Ideal  Democracy  should  be  phrased :  "Every 
other  human  being  ought  to  have  as  good  a  chance  as 
I  have."— E.  H.  Griggs. 

THE  CONTINENT  OF  EUROPE 
FRANCE 

This  world-war  has  stamped  into  the  hearts  of  mil 
lions  of  men  and  women  an  intense  desire  for  a  better 
order  of  things.  .  .  .  We  know  that  this  war  is  not 
the  work  of  some  superhuman  agency.  This  war  was 
man-made.  Yes,  worse,  it  was  madman-made.  If  the 


70  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

one-hundredth  part  of  thought  and  energy  that  has 
been  given  to  the  war  will  now  be  given  to  schemes 
of  peace — you  will  never  see  war  again. — Gen.  J.  G. 
Smuts. 

ITALY 

The  human  race  achieved  Intellectual  Liberty  and 
Ecclesiastical  Liberty,  but  now  it  is  about  to  enter  upon 
such  political  freedom  as  the  world  has  never  known— 
a  freedom  in  which  every  man  and  woman  will  actually 
possess  sovereign  power.  God  grant  that  this  war  will 
prove  to  be  the  last  armed  battle  for  the  rights  of 
man. — L.  W.  Rogers. 

BELGIUM 

There  is  but  one  safeguard  of  Democracy,  and  that 
is  to  keep  the  good  people  awake  and  on  the  job  all  the 
time. — E.  H.  Griggs. 

SWITZERLAND 

The  path  of  Democracy  is  Education.  Eternal  vigi 
lance  is  the  price  of  Liberty  and  of  every  good  of  man. 

HOLLAND 

Peace  can  never  be  an  end.  It,  too,  is  merely  a 
condition  or  means.  Man  for  the  state  means  Autoc 
racy,  and  Imperialism.  Man  for  Mankind  is  the  Soul 
of  Democracy. — E.  H.  Griggs. 

POLAND 

No  institution  can  rightly  serve  Democracy  unless 
it  is  itself  Democratic — E.  H.  Griggs. 

GREECE 

The  hope  of  Democracy  is  the  instinctive  power  in 
the  breast  of  common  humanity  to  recognize  the  high 
est  when  it  appears. — E.  H.  Griggs. 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  71 

BRAZIL  (South  America) 

The  road  to  International  Co-operation  is  Inter 
national  Co-operation.  Begin  with  nations  that  are 
ready,  then  include  all,  even  Germany. — W.  E.  Walling. 

LIBERIA  (Africa) 

We  must  create  a  true  spirit  of  Democracy,  the 
spirit  of  genuine  brotherhood.  On  the  spirit  of 
brotherhood,  a  new  civilization  shall  rise  in  which  all 
distinction  of  race,  creed  and  conditions  will  be  swept 
away  and  every  right  and  every  opportunity  will  be 
long  to  every  individual,  for  no  other  reason  whatever 
than  that  he  is  simply  a  human  being. — L.  W.  Rogers. 

UNITED  STATES  (North  America) 

We  are  a  nation  of  Internationalists.  We  envy  the 
progress  of  no  nation,  dominion  over  no  people;  but 
extend  the  hand  of  friendship  to  all  people,  great  and 
small  alike.  We  prepare  the  way  for  that  "Federa 
tion  of  the  World"  so  long  foreseen  and  foresung. — 
John  Spargo. 

(A  Yankee)  :  Democracy  is  afflicted  but  at  the  same 
time  blessed  with  pitiless  publicity.  It  would  away 
with  "Secret  Sessions"  and  Diplomacy.  It  washes  all 
its  dirty  linen  in  public ;  but  the  main  is  this — it  gets 
ts  clean,  b'gosh! — E.  H.  Griggs  (all  but  the  last 
phrase) . 

Let  us  have  faith  that  RIGHT  makes  Might!— 
Abraham  Lincoln. 

(Close  the  scene  by  singing  a  stanza  from  the  new 
National  Hymn.) 

The  sun  is  risen  and  shall  not  set 

Upon  thy  day  divine : 
Ages  of  unborn  ages  yet, 

America,  are  thine! 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

ACT  VI 

SCENE  2. 

(Any  Room  arranged  for  a  Convention, 
in  Paris,  France) 

Premier  Clemenceau,  presiding. 

Woodrow  Wilson,  President  of  the  United  States, 
delivers  a  speech. 

Mr.  Chairman: 

Gentlemen :  Since  I  came  to  this  side  of  the  waters 
I  have  visited  several  nations,  and  everywhere  the 
voice  of  the  body  of  the  people  ...  is  for  the  League 
of  Nations. 

Gentlemen,  the  classes  of  mankind  are  no  longer 
the  governors  of  mankind.  The  fortunes  of  mankind 
are  now  in  the  hands  of  the  plain  people  of  the  world. 
Satisfy  them  and  you  have  justified  their  confidence 
not  only,  but  have  established  peace.  Fail  to  satisfy 
them  and  no  arrangement  that  you  can  make  will  either 
set  up  or  steady  the  peace  of  the  world. 

We,  the  representatives  of  the  United  States,  re 
gard  the  League  of  Nations  as  the  keynote  of  all  that 
expresses  our  purposes  and  ideals  in  this  war,  and 
which  the  nations  will  have  accepted  as  the  basis  of 
the  settlement. 

Our  fellow  citizens  are  a  body  that  constitute  a 
great  Democracy.  They  expect  their  leaders  to  speak, 
their  representatives  to  be  their  servants.  We  have 
no  choice  but  to  obey  their  mandates.  But  it  is  with 
the  greatest  enthusiasm  and  pleasure  that  we  accept 
that  mandate;  and  because  this  is  the  keynote  of  the 
whole  fabric,  we  have  pledged  our  every  purpose  to  it, 
as  we  have  to  every  item  of  the  fabric. 

We  would  not  dare  to  compromise  any  thing  as 
the  champion  of  this  peace  of  the  world, — this  atti- 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  73 

tude  of  justice,  this  principle  that  we  are  the  masters 
of  no  peoples,  but  are  here  to  see  that  every  people 
in  the  world  shall  choose  its  own  destinies ;  not  as  we 
wish,  but  as  it  wishes. 

We  are  here  to  see  that  the  very  foundations  of 
this  war  are  swept  away.  These  foundations  were 
the  private  choice  of  a  small  coterie  of  civil  rulers 
and  military  staffs.  Those  foundations  were  the 
holding  together  of  empires  of  unwilling  subjects  by 
duress  of  arms.  Those  foundations  were  the  power 
of  small  bodies  of  men  to  wield  their  will  and  use 
mankind  as  pawns  in  a  game.  And  nothing  less 
than  the  emancipation  of  the  world  from  these  things 
will  accomplish  peace. 

And  I  thank  God  that  not  only  the  representa 
tives  of  the  United  States  have  accepted  this  plan, 
but  it  is  accepted  by  all  the  high-minded  men  who 
have  had  to  do  with  this  great  business. 

And,  Mr.  Chairman,  when  it  is  known,  as  I  feel 
confident  it  will  be  known,  that  we  have  adopted  the 
principles  of  the  League  of  Nations,  and  mean  to 
work  out  that  principle  in  effective  action,  we  shall 
by  that  single  thing  have  lifted  a  great  part  of  the  load 
of  anxiety  from  the  hearts  of  men  everywhere. 

DAVID  LLOYD  GEORGE'S  SPEECH 

Mr.  Chairman:  Gentlemen,  nothing  is  more 
necessary  than  the  League  of  Nations,  and  I  com 
mend  this  resolution.  But  I  wish  to  mention  that 
if  the  British  seem  not  to  have  given  much  time  to 
this  question  it  is  because  they  have  been  for  the 
last  few  years  absorbed  in  a  desperate  struggle. 

The  best  arguments  I  found  for  this  League  of 
Nations,  was  when  I  passed  over  the  war  devastated 
regions  that  saw  the  battle-torn  countryside  and  the 
graves  of  the  dead  which  said,  these  are  the  results 
of  the  only  methods  that  nations  up  to  this  time  have 
contrived  for  the  settlement  of  disputes.  And  I  said : 


74  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

"The  voice  of  my  brother's  blood  cries  out:    'Surely 
it  is  time  under  God  to  find  another  way'." 

PREMIER  ORLANDO'S  SPEECH  (Italy) 

Mr.  Chairman:  Gentlemen,  we  are  only  doing 
our  duty  and  carrying  out  our  sacred  promises.  On 
this  great  historical  day,  the  Rights  of  the  People 
are  born. 

The  Chairman :  Shall  the  Resolution  in  favor  of 
adopting  a  plan  for  organizing  a  League  of  Nations 
be  adopted?  (The  Motion  is  unanimously  carried.) 

(A  Motion  is  carried  for  appointing  a  Committee 
to  draft  the  Constitution  for  the  League  of  Nations 
of  the  World.  The  curtain  falls.) 

The  following  exercise  may  be  used  at  a  Wash 
ington  Birthday  entertainment,  as  it  was  used  by  the 
students  of  the  Wallis  School  of  Dramatic  Art  in 
Los  Angeles,  on  the  22nd  of  February,  1919. 

The  president  of  the  Convention  assembled  ad 
dresses  them  as  follows: 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  This  is  the  brightest 
holiday  that  the  sun  of  civilization  ever  shone  upon. 

In  all  the  history  of  the  human  race,  the  world 
has  never  before  beheld  a  day  of  such  glory. 

This  memorable  day  calls  to  mind  the  great  prob 
lems  that  our  forefathers,  with  George  Washington 
at  the  head,  had  to  solve  in  order  to  draft  and  adopt 
the  Constitution  for  the  Union  of  the  thirteen  origi 
nal  States  of  the  United  States  of  America.  Far 
more  difficult  were  they  than  those  that  now  con 
front  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  of  the  League 
of  Nations. 

Our  fathers  gave  in  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  a  model  from  which  the  United  Na 
tions  of  the  World  can  find  a  splendid  copy. 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  75 

(The  following  may  be  recited  in  concert,  all 
standing)  : 

Standing  united  with  thirteen  other  nations  of 
the  earth,  upon  the  Cornerstone  of  Peace  which  has 
been  laid  in  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
not  elbow  against  elbow,  but  hand-in-hand ;  America 
with  Europe  in  one  hand  and  Asia  in  the  other,  to 
gether  build  a  NEW  CONTINENTAL  CIVILIZA 
TION. 

With  our  backs  turned  forever  against  the  God  of 
War 

We  henceforth  and  forever  face  the  coming  of  the 
Prince  of  Peace. 

THE  PREAMBLE 

In  order  to  promote  INTERNATIONAL  CO 
OPERATION  and  to  secure  INTERNATIONAL 
PEACE  and  SECURITY  by  the  acceptance  of  obliga 
tions  not  to  resort  to  war  but  the  prescription  of 
open,  just  and  honorable  relations  between  nations 
by  the  firm  establishment  of  the  understanding  of 
INTERNATIONAL  LAW  as  the  actual  rule  of  con 
duct  among  governments,  and  the  maintenance  of 
JUSTICE  and  a  scrupulous  respect  for  all  TREATY 
OBLIGATIONS  in  dealings  of  Organized  Peoples 
with  one  another,  the  powers  signatory  to  this 
COVENANT  adopt  this  CONSTITUTION  of  the 
LEAGE  OF  NATIONS. 

The  President:  If  Abraham  Lincoln  were  here 
today  he  would  only  need  to  change  a  few  letters 
and  phrases  of  that  greatest  of  American  speeches, 
the  Gettysburg  address. 

Today  he  might  say  (here  lights  can  be  arranged 
to  show  Lincoln  appearing  from  the  darkness  of  the 
past  and  delivers  the  following)  : 

Seven  score  and  two  years  ago  our  fathers 
brought  forth  on  this  continent  a  new  nation,  con- 


76  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

ceived  in  liberty,  and  dedicated  to  the  proposition 
that  all  men  are  created  equal.  Now,  we  are  en 
gaged  in  a  great  WORLD  WAR  testing  whether  that 
nation  or  any  nation  so  conceived,  and  so  dedicated, 
can  long  endure. 

It  is  for  us  here  to  be  dedicated  to  the  great  task 
remaining  before  us,  that  from  these  honored  dead 
who  gave  their  lives  that  this  nation  might  live,  we 
take  increased  devotion  to  that  cause  for  which  they 
gave  their  last  full  measure  of  devotion;  that  we 
here  highly  resolve  that  these  dead  shall  not  have 
died  in  vain ;  that  every  nation,  under  God,  shall 
have  a  new  birth  of  freedom  and  that  government 
of  the  people,  by  the  people  and  for  the  people  shall 
not  perish  from  the  earth. 

With  malice  towards  none ;  with  charity  for  all ; 
with  firmness  in  the  right  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the 
right,  let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  work  we  are  now 
engaged  in  to  do  all  which  may  achieve  a  just  and 
lasting  peace;  not  for  our  nation  only,  but  for  all 
nations  of  the  earth. 

CURTAIN 

At  the  plenary  session  of  the  preliminary  Peace 
Conference  on  February  14,  1919,  at  3:30  o'clock, 
President  Woodrow  Wilson  as  Chairman  of  the  Com 
mission  on  the  League  of  Nations  read  and  explained 
the  following  Covenant: 


To  the  foregoing  six  acts  a  supplementary  act  is 
added  entitled 

THE  SUPREME  COURT 
Introductory. 

If  it  were  asked,  "What  great  document  gave  our 
Nation  birth?"  the  answer  would  be:  "The  Declara 
tion  of  Independence,  Thomas  Jefferson  its  progenitor." 

If  asked  what  gave  that  other  great  document,  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  its  immortality  and 
made  our  Republic  superior  to  all  others,  it  could  as 
truly  be  said,  "The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 
with  Chief  Justice  John  Marshall  the  leading  spirit 
of  its  immortality." 

The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  is  a  creature 
of  our  written  Constitution  and  is  unlike  any  other 
tribunal  in  the  world.  It  has  been  termed  the  Balance- 
wheel  of  the  machinery  of  our  Constitutional  system. 
No  other  Government  provides  the  means  for  a  citizen 
to  appear  in  his  individual  person  for  his  rights. 

From  the  trial  of  one  of  the  most  distinguished  citi 
zens,  a  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  for  the 
highest  crime  under  our  laws,  the  case  of  Aaron  Burr 
for  treason,  to  that  of  the  most  humble  person  (who 
the  Court  declared  was  not  even  a  citizen  nor  endowed 
with  rights  that  a  white  man  was  bound  to  respect  be 
cause  he  was  a  negro  and  had  been  once  a  slave),  the 
Dred  Scott  case ;  and  in  civil  actions,  from  the  trial  of 
questions  testing  the  fundamentals  of  our  Constitu 
tional  Government  as  in  the  Marbury  vs.  Madison  case 
to  those  having  to  do  with  laws  impairing  the  obligation 
of  individual  and  corporate  contracts  as  in  the  Dart 
mouth  College  Case,  we  have  the  widest  range  and 
scope  of  jurisdiction  in  our  Supreme  Court  by  means 
of  which  representative  Democracy  has  exalted  our 
American  Republic  above  all  others  that  the  world  has 
hitherto  known.  We  ourselves  have  not  yet  quite  fully 


78  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

appreciated,  perhaps,  the  great  value  of  this  depart 
ment  of  our  Government. 

What  may  be  called  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
of  the  Supreme  Court  and  made  it  independent  as  well 
as  co-ordinate  with  the  other  departments  of  the  gov 
ernment  is  the  case  of  Marbury  vs.  Madison  herewith 
presented  in  a  pantomime  and  short-talk  scene  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  A  session  of 
which  is  given  as  a  type  for  the  International  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  Nations  of  the  World. 

THE  U.  S.  SUPREME  COURT 

Scene  1.  The  Court  Room  in  the  Capitol  Building, 
Washington,  D.  C.  (Stage  set  with  Door  Center  back 
with  curtains  to  open  at  a  given  signal.  Platform  with 
railing  round  it.  As  many  chairs  are  placed  as  there 
are  members  of  the  Court  with  the  Chief  Justice  in  the 
Center.) 

At  the  hour  of  12  M.  the  Curtains  are  drawn  aside, 
the  Marshall,  walking  backwards,  speaks  with  a  loud 
voice:  The  Honorable,  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States.  (All  present  rise  as  the 
Judges  enter,  led  by  the  Chief  Justice  and  followed  by 
the  other  Justices  in  order  of  seniority  of  appointment. 
Standing,  the  Chief  Justice  signals  to  the  Marshall, 
who  cries  in  a  loud  voice :  "0  yeaz !  0  yeaz !  All  per 
sons  having  business  before  the  honorable,  the  Judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  are  admon 
ished  to  draw  near  and  give  their  attendance,  for  the 
Court  is  nowr  in  session.  God  save  the  United  States 
and  this  Honorable  Court.  (Judges  sit  and  the  work 
of  the  session  begins.) 

Chief  Justice:  The  Clerk  will  announce  from  the 
Docket  the  next  case  to  be  argued. 

The  Clerk:  The  next  case  on  the  Docket  for  argu 
ment  is  a  Mandamus  case,  MARBURY  VS.  MADISON. 

Chief  Justice:  The  Counsel  for  Marbury,  the  Plain 
tiff,  will  be  heard. 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  79 

Counsel  for  Marbury:  If  the  Court  please.  The  facts 
in  this  case  are  these :  The  plaintiff,  Marbury,  had  been 
appointed  by  President  John  Adams  to  the  office  of  Jus 
tice  of  the  Peace  for  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  his 
nomination  has  been  confirmed  by  the  Senate.  His 
Commission  had  been  made  out,  signed  and  sealed,  but 
had  not  been  delivered  to  him.  When  President  John 
Adams  went  out  of  office  and  Thomas  Jefferson  became 
President,  Jefferson's  Secretary  of  State,  James  Madi 
son,  refused  to  deliver  this  Commission  paper  to  the 
Plaintiff,  Mr.  Marbury,  claiming  that  the  Commission 
was  not  complete  as  it  had  not  been  delivered.  Presi 
dent  Jefferson  claims  that  the  office  is  still  vacant,  and 
will  make  another  appointment. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  partisan  politics  should 
enter  into  this  case.  Marbury  is  a  Federalist  appointed 
by  a  Federalist  President,  John  Adams.  Jefferson  is 
an  Anti-Federalist,  a  Republican-Democrat  who  desires 
to  fill  all  appointive  offices  with  applicants  from  his 
own  party.  James  Madison,  the  Secretary  of  State, 
appointed  to  that  position  by  Jefferson,  of  course  is  of 
the  same  political  party  and  now  refuses  to  deliver  to 
this  Plaintiff  his  Commission,  which  of  right  and  law 
belongs  to  him.  Hence  this  Mandamus  action  against 
Secretary  Madison  to  compel  him  to  deliver  to  the 
Plaintiff  Marbury  his  Commission  to  enable  him  to  dis 
charge  the  duties  of  the  office  of  Justice  of  the  Peace 
in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

Now,  if  the  Court  please,  wre  think  that  when  that 
paper  was  signed  and  sealed  by  the  Secretary  of  State 
no  further  act  was  necessary  to  give  Marbury  a  right 
to  the  office,  and  we  submit  authorities  on  this  point 
for  the  consideration  of  this  Court. 

That  the  Plaintiff  had  a  right  to  ask  this  Court  for 
a  Writ  of  Mandamus  there  can  be  no  doubt,  for  the  thir 
teenth  section  of  the  Judiciary  Act,  duly  passed  by 
Congress  and  signed  by  the  President,  gives  certain 
parties  that  right. 


80  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

This  Government  is  a  Representative  Democracy,  a 
Republic,  a  Government  of  the  people,  and  when  they 
by  a  majority  of  their  representatives  desire  to  make 
a  law  after  due  consideration,  there  should  be,  there 
can  be,  no  power  on  earth  given  authority  to  unmake 
it.  The  people  through  their  representatives  make  the 
laws  in  this  country  and  neither  the  courts  nor  any 
other  power  have  the  right  to  annul  or  unmake  what 
the  people  in  their  sovereign  capacity  have  legally  en 
acted  into  law. 

This  Judiciary  Act  is  a  law  made  after  the  Constitu 
tion  and  in  point  of  time  that  gives  it  superiority  to 
any  law  prior  to  it.  It  is  true  the  Constitution  does  not 
give  the  Supreme  Court  the  right  to  issue  a  Writ  of 
Mandamus  in  its  Original  Jurisdiction,  but  the  Ju 
diciary  Act  by  the  13th  Section  does  so,  and  it  is  under 

this  act  that  this  action  depends  for  its  jurisdiction. 

< 

This  law  is  the  will  and  wish  of  the  people  and  gives 
this  plaintiff  a  right  to  a  Writ  of  Mandamus  to  compel 
the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  James  Madison,  to  deliver 
to  him  his  Commission  and  we  respectfully  ask  this 
Court  to  grant  the  Writ. 

Chief  Justice:  The  Defendant's  Counsel  will  now  be 
heard. 

Counsel  for  Defendant,  Madison:  If  the  Court 
please.  We  agree  with  Counsel  for  the  Plaintiff  that 
it  is  to  be  regretted  that  partisan  politics  should  be 
referred  to  in  this  case,  but  of  course  it  cannot  in  any 
way  influence  this  honorable  Court.  Let  it  be  said, 
however,  that  this  case  is  but  one  of  many  that  may  be 
brought  into  this  and  other  courts  and  therefore  may 
be  considered  a  test  case. 

On  the  fourth  of  March,  when  President  Adams' 
Administration  closed,  he  sat  up  till  twelve  o'clock  mid 
night  signing  Commissions  for  officials  he  had  ap 
pointed  a  few  days  before  his  term  expired.  All  these 
officials  were  members  of  the  Federalist  party  and  were 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  81 

to  hold  offices  that  should  otherwise  be  filled  by  Presi 
dent  Jefferson,  who  was  the  leader  of  the  Republican- 
Democrat  Party.  This  was  very  perplexing  and  ob 
structive  to  his  administration.  This  is  one  of  the 
many  cases  where  the  Commission  was  signed  too  late 
to  be  delivered  to  the  Plaintiff,  and  President  Jefferson 
considers  the  office  vacant  and  will  appoint  one  of  his 
political  party  to  fill  this  office. 

Now,  it  is  admitted  that  the  Plaintiff  cannot  be 
capacitated  to  execute  the  duties  of  the  office  of  Justice 
of  the  Peace  until  his  Commission  is  delivered  to  him, 
and  we  claim  the  Defendant  has  a  right  to  refuse  to 
deliver  it  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  it  had  been 
signed  by  the  President,  John  Adams,  and  sealed  by  his 
Secretary  of  State. 

But  the  strong  arm  of  defense  set  up  in  this  case  is 
that  the  law  granting  the  right  to  this  action  for  a  Writ 
of  Mandamus  is  contrary  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  in  that  it  is  not  one  of  the  powers  granted 
to  that  Court  in  its  Original  Jurisdiction. 

The  Constitution  grants  to  this  court  only  a  limited 
number  of  Original  Jurisdictional  cases  and  this  is  not 
one  of  them. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  the  Supreme 
Law  of  the  Land,  so  declared  in  the  instrument  itself. 
The  people  themselves  have  adopted  and  ratified  this 
Constitution  and  they  cannot  by  a  subsequent  law  by 
an  act  of  Congress  set  it  aside.  The  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  is  unlike  that  of  any  other.  It  is  a 
written  Constitution  and  is  declared  by  its  own  terms 
to  be  the  Supreme  Law  of  the  Land.  In  Great  Britain, 
where  they  have  no  written  Constitution,  the  Parlia 
ment  is  "omnipotent"  above  its  constitution.  The 
people  of  the  United  States  have  made  their  Constitu 
tion  superior  to  any  act  of  Congress  that  would  con 
flict  with  it.  The  only  way  to  make  a  law  superior  is 
by  revolution  or  by  changing  it  by  amendment  in  a 
manner  prescribed  by  the  Constitution  itself. 


82  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

Therein  lies  the  fundamental  difference  between  the 
American  Constitution  and  those  of  all  other  countries. 

This  Court  will  not  proceed  without  precedent  for 
there  are  several  decisions  already  rendered  in  like 
cases  in  the  several  State  Courts,  citations  to  which 
will  be  made  in  our  argument  in  this  case. 

Therefore  we  submit  to  this  honorable  Court  that 
the  Plaintiff  has  no  right  under  the  Constitution  to  ask 
this  Court  for  this  Writ  of  Mandamus  and  we  ask  for 
a  decision  in  favor  of  the  Defendant  dismissing  the 
action  and  with  costs  for  the  same. 

The  opinion  of  Chief  Justice  John  Marshall  in  the 
Case  of  Marbury  vs.  Madison. 

The  Chief  Justice:  The  question  whether  an  act  re 
pugnant  to  the  Constitution  can  become  the  law  of  the 
land,  is  a  question  deeply  interesting  to  the  United 
States. 

The  Constitution  is  either  a  superior  paramount  law, 
unchangeable  by  ordinary  means,  or  it  is  on  a  level  with 
ordinary  legislative  acts,  and,  like  any  other  acts,  is 
alterable  whenever  the  legislature  shall  please  to 
alter  it. 

If  the  former  alternative  is  true,  then  a  legislative 
act  contrary  to  the  Constitution  is  not  law ;  if  the  latter 
part  be  true,  then  written  Constitutions  are  absurd  at 
tempts  on  the  part  of  the  people  to  limit  a  power  in  its 
own  nature  illimitable. 

The  people  have  an  original  right  to  establish,  for 
their  future  government,  such  principles  as,  in  their 
opinion,  shall  most  conduce  to  their  own  happiness,  is 
the  basis  on  which  the  whole  American  fabric  has  been 
erected.  These  principles  are  therefore  deemed  funda 
mental.  And  as  the  authority  from  which  they  proceed 
is  supreme,  they  are  designed  to  be  permanent. 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBUC  83 

Certainly  all  those  who  have  framed  written  Consti 
tutions  contemplate  them  as  forming  the  fundamental 
and  paramount  law  of  the  nation,  and  consequently, 
the  theory  of  every  such  government  must  be  that  an 
act  of  the  legislature  repugnant  to  the  Constitution  is 
void. 

This  theory  is  essentially  attached  to  a  written  Con 
stitution,  and  is  to  be  considered  by  this  Court,  as  one 
of  the  fundamental  principles  of  our  society. 

It  is  emphatically  the  province  and  duty  of  the  Ju 
dicial  Department  to  say  what  the  law  is.  If  two  laws 
conflict  with  each  other,  the  Court  must  decide  on  the 
operation  of  each.  This  is  of  the  very  essence  of  ju 
dicial  duty. 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  is  extended 
to  all  cases  arising  under  the  Constitution. 

In  some  cases  then  the  Constitution  must  be  looked 
into  by  the  Judges. 

For  example.  It  is  declared  by  the  Constitution  that 
no  person  shall  be  convicted  of  treason  unless  on  the 
testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the  same  overt  act,  or  on 
confession  in  open  court. 

Here  the  language  of  the  Constitution  is  addressed 
especially  to  the  Courts.  It  prescribes  directly  for  them 
a  rule  of  evidence  not  to  be  departed  from.  If  the 
legislature  should  change  that  rule,  and  declare  one 
witness,  or  a  confession  out  of  Court,  sufficient  for 
conviction,  must  the  constitutional  principle  yield  to 
the  legislative  act? 

From  this  it  is  apparent  that  the  f  ramers  of  the  Con 
stitution  contemplated  that  instrument  as  a  rule  for 
the  government  of  courts  as  well  as  of  the  legislature. 
Otherwise  why  does  it  direct  the  judges  to  take  an  oath 
to  support  it? 

The  oath  is  in  these  words :  "I  do  solemnly  swear 
that  I  will  administer  justice  without  respect  to  per- 


84  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC 

sons,  and  do  equal  right  to  the  poor  and  to  the  rich ;  and 
that  I  will  faithfully  and  impartially  discharge  all  the 
duties  incumbent  on  me  as  .  .  .  according  to  the 
best  of  my  abilities  and  understanding  agreeably  to 
the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States."  Why 
does  a  judge  swear  to  discharge  his  duties  agreeably 
to  the  Constitution  if  it  is  closed  upon  him  and  cannot 
be  inspected  by  him. 

If  such  be  the  real  state  of  things,  this  is  worse  than 
solemn  mockery.  To  subscribe  to  or  take  this  oath,  be 
comes  equally  a  crime. 

It  is  worthy  of  observation  that  in  declaring  what 
shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  the  Constitution 
is  the  first  mentioned  and  not  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  generally,  but  those  only  which  shall  be  made 
in  pursuance  of  the  Constitution  have  that  rank. 

Thus  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  confirms 
and  strengthens  the  principle  essential  to  all  written 
Constitutions  that  a  law  repugnant  to  the  Constitution 
is  void;  and  that  Courts  as  well  as  other  departments 
are  bound  by  that  instrument. 

The  Constitution  gives  this  Court  Original  Jurisdic 
tion  only  in  the  following  cases :  "In  all  cases  affecting 
Ambassadors  or  other  public  ministers  and  consuls,  and 
those  in  which  a  state  shall  be  a  party,  the  Supreme 
Court  shall  have  Original  Jurisdiction.  (Clause  2, 
Section  2,  Art.  III.) 

The  13th  Section  of  the  Judiciary  Act  passed  by  Con 
gress  purports  to  give  this  Court  jurisdiction  to  issue 
Writs  of  Mandamus.  It  is  not  warranted  by  the  Con 
stitution  and  is  therefore  repugnant  thereto  and  void, 
and  this  Court  must  refuse  the  Writ  asked  for. 

However  it  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  this  Court 
that  when  the  Commission  was  signed  and  sealed  the 
appointment  was  complete  and  vested  in  Marbury  a 
legal  right  to  the  office.  That  to  withhold  this  Commis 
sion  was  violative  of  that  legal  right  and  for  this  wrong 


THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC  85 

a  Writ  of  Mandamus,  if  issued  by  a  Court  of  competent 
jurisdiction,  is  the  appropriate  legal  remedy. 

The  Clerk  will  call  the  next  case. 
(Curtain) 


The  opinion  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall  for  the  Court 
in  the  case  of  Marbury  vs.  Madison  was  the  first  case 
to  decide  a  law  unconstitutional. 

"This  case  made  this  Court  and  our  system  of  Gov 
ernment  unique  and  different  from  all  others  in  the 
world  and  gave  our  courts  the  unprecedented  appela- 
tion  of  'the  Balance-Wheel  of  the  Government/' 
Woodrow  Wilson. 

Two  or  three  other  cases  can  be  very  easily  arranged  for 
scenes  of  trial  in  the  Supreme  Court. 

The  Dartmouth  College  case  where  Webster's  celebrated  per 
oration  and  the  far  reaching  decision  on  the  law  relating  to  the 
OBLIGATION  of  CONTRACTS  may  be  used  very  interestingly. 

The  Treason  Trial  of  Aaron  Burr  or  the  Dred  Scott  case  with 
Chief  Justice  Taney's  decision  is  perhaps  the  most  dramatic 
scene  ever  viewed  in  any  court  and  can  very  easily  be  arranged 
from  the  above  model. 


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